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BSnyOO .H65 f845 V7A ^ 
Hook, Walter Farquhar, 179fi 

1875. . ^' 

An ecclesiastical biograph5^ 




ILtbes of Ancient ffat^tx^ anti iiHo^crn HPibines, 














The present Volume of the Ecclesiastical Biography is 
perhaps the most interesting of the series, as the Reader 
will at once perceive, when he refers to the names of 
those Fathers and Divines of whom the Biography is 

Several important portions of Ecclesiastical Histoi-y 
are, under some of the Lives, brought before the Reader: 
in the Life of St. Cyprian he will observe the freedom 
of the Primitive Church, from the dominion of the see 
of Rome ; in the Lives of St. Clement, St. Chrysostom, 
Epiphanius, and Dionysius, he will gain some insight 
into the practices of the Early Church ; and he will find 
a History of the Nestorian Controversy under the head of 
St. Cyril of Alexandria, a controversy of much importance 
in the present age, when many are unconsciously Nesto- 
rian s, who account themselves Orthodox. 

The History of our Church before the Reformation is 
illustrated in the Lives of Cuthbert, Columba, Dunstan, 
St. Edmund, Courtney, and Colet ; and of the early years 
of the Reformation, in that of Cranmer. The Articles on 
Dominic, Erasmus, Eck, and Compton, will be interest- 

iDg to those who are investigating the character and 
pretensions of Romanism ; and in the History of the 
Remonstrants, which is given in the Life of Ej^iscopius, 
is displayed the persecuting and intolerant temper which 
seems to be inherent in Calvinism. 

For the Life of St. Cyprian, the Reader is indebted to 
the Rev. G. A. Poole. For the other Lives the Compiler 
is responsible. 

The Work is still continued in Numbers, as many 
persons prefer receiving it as a Monthly Periodical, in 
which shape they can easily peruse the whole work. 

The object of this Work is to supply the Reader with 
an Ecclesiastical History, in a form which will admit of 
easy reference. Although the labour is of a humble 
character, still it is considerable ; and the contribution 
of Articles, by persons competent to prepare them, will 
be gratefully received, as the work has become much 
more extensive than was originally contemplated, and has 
hitherto been conducted without help. 


Jan. 12th, 1848. 



William Chillingworth was the son of William 
Chillingworth, citizen, afterw^ards mayor of Oxford, and 
was born there in October, 1602. He was baptized on the 
last of that month, the celebrated William Laud, then 
fellow of St. John's College, being one of his sponsors. 
After he had been educated in grammar learning at a 
private school in Oxford, he was admitted a scholar of 
Trinity College, in 1618, and was elected fellow in 1628. 
He studied divinity and geometry, and showed some skill 
in versification. The conversation and study of the uni- 
versity scholars, in his time, turned chiefly upon the con- 
troversies between the churches of England and Rome, 
occasioned by the liberty allowed the Romish priests by 
James I. and Charles I. ; several of whom lived at, or 
near, Oxford, and made frequent attempts to pervert the 
young men. Of these Jesuits, the most famous was John 
Fisher, alias John Perse ; and Chillingworth being ac- 
counted a very ingenious man, Fisher earnestly sought his 
society. Their conversation soon turned upon the points 
controverted between the two Churches, but particularly 
on the necessity of an infallible living judge in matters of 
faith. Chillingworth unable to answer the argimients of 
the Jesuit on this head, was brought to believe that this 
judge was to be found only in the Church of Rome, which, 



therefore, must be the true Church, out of which there 
could be no salvation. Upon this he forsook the com- 
munion of the Church of England, and embraced the 
Romish religion. In order to secure hi^ conquest, Fisher 
persuaded Chillingworth to go to the college of the Jesuits 
at Douay ; and he was desired to set down in writing the 
motives or reasons which had engaged him to embrace the 
Romish rehgion. But his godfather, Laud, who was then 
Bishop of London, hearing of this affair, and being ex- 
tremely concerned at it, wrote to him ; and, Chillingworth's 
answer expressing much moderation, candour, and impar- 
tiality, that prelate continued to correspond with him, and 
to press him with several arguments against the doctrine 
and practice of the Romanists. This set Chillingworth 
upon a new enquiry, which had the desired effect. But 
the place where he was not being suitable to the state of a 
free and impartial enquirer, he resolved to come back to 
England, and left Douay in 1631, after a short stay there. 
Upon his return into England, he was received with great 
kindness and affection by Bishop Laud, who approved his 
design of retiring to Oxford, of which university that pre- 
late was then chancellor, in order to complete the im- 
portant work he was upon, a free enquiry into religion. 
At last, after a thorough examination, the protestant prin- 
ciples appearing to him the most agreeable to the holy 
Scripture and reason, he declared for them ; and having 
fully discovered the sophistry of the arguments, which had 
induced him to go over to the Church of Rome, he wrote 
a paper about the year 1634 to confute them, but did not 
think proper to publish it. This paper is now lost ; for 
though we have a paper of his upon the same subject, 
which was first published in 1687, among the additional 
discourses of Chillingworth, yet it seems to have been 
written on some other occasion, probably at the desire of 
some of his friends. 

That ChillingwTjrth's return to the Church of England 
was owing to Bishop Laud, appears from that prelate's 


appeal to the letters, which passed between him and 
Chillingworth ; which appeal was made in his speech 
before the Lords at his trial, in order to vindicate himself 
from the charge of Popery. " Mr. Chillingworth s learn- 
ing and ability/' says he, " are sufficiently known to ail 
your lordships. He was gone and settled at Douay. My 
letters brought him back, and he lived and died a de- 
fender of the Church of England. And that this is so, 
your lordships cannot but know; for Mr. Prynne took 
away my letters, and all the papers which concerned him, 
and they were examined at the committee." 

As Chillingworth, in forsaking the Church of England, 
as well as in returning to it, was solely influenced by a 
love of truth, so, upon the same principles, even after his 
return to Protestantism, he thought it incumbent upon 
him to re-examine the grounds of it. This appears by a 
letter he wrote to Dr. Sheldon, containing some scruples 
he had about leaving the Church of Rome, and returning 
to the Church of England : and these scruples, which he 
declared ingenuously to his friends, seem to have occa- 
sioned a report, but it was a very false and groundless 
one, that he had turned papist a second time, and then 
protestant again. His return to the protestant religion 
making a great deal of noise, he became engaged in seve- 
ral disputes with those of the Romish religion ; and par- 
ticularly with Mr. John Lewgar, Mr. John Floyd a Jesuit, 
who went under the name of Daniel, or Dan. a Jesu, 
and Mr. White. Mr. Lewgar, a great zealot for the 
Church of Rome, and one who had been an intimate 
friend of our author, as soon as he heard of his return to 
the Church of England, sent him a very angry and 
abusive letter ; to which Chillingworth returned a mild 
and affectionate answer, in the course of which he 
observes, that it seems to him very strange and not far 
from a prodigy, that this doctrine of the Roman churches 
being the guide of faith, or having the privilege of infalli- 
bility, if it be true doctrine, should not be known to the 
Evangelists, to the Apostles, and to the primitive Church, 


AS he shews it was not ; and concludes thus : " All these 
thin,i^s, says he, and many more are very strange to me, if 
the infallibility of the Roman Church be indeed and were 
always by Christians acknowledged the foundation of our 
faith : and therefore I beseech you pardon me, if I choose 
to build mine upon one that is much firmer and safer, 
and lies open to none of these objections, which is Scrip- 
ture and universal Tradition ; and if one that is of this 
faith may have leave to do so ; I will subscribe with hand 
and heart, your very loving and tine friend," &c. 

Lewgar was so far softened by this letter, that he had 
an interview with his old friend. They had a conference 
upon religion before Skinner and Sheldon ; and we have 
a paper of Chillingworth printed among the additional 
discourses above-mentioned, which seems to contain the 
abstract or summary of their dispute. Besides tlie pieces 
already mentioned, he wrote one to demonstrate, that 
" the doctrine of infallibility is neither evident of itself, 
nor grounded upon certain and infallible reasons, nor 
warranted by any passage of Scripture." And in two 
other papers, he shews that the Church of Rome had 
formerly erred; first, "by admitting of infants to the 
Eucharist, and holding, that without it they could not be 
saved ;" and secondly, " by teaching the doctrine of the 
Millenaries, viz : that before the world's end Chnst shall 
reign upon the earth 1000 years, and that the saints 
should live under Him in all holiness and happiness ;" 
both which doctrines are condemned as false and heretical 
by the present Church of Rome. He wrote also a short 
letter, in answer to some objections by one of his friends, 
in which he shews, that " neither the fathers nor the 
councils are infallible witnesses of tradition ; and that the 
infallibility of the Church of Ptome must first of all be 
proved from Scripture." Lastly, he wrote an answer to 
some passages in the dialogues published under the name 
of Rushworth. In 1635 he was engaged in a work which 
gave him a far greater opportunity to confute the princi- 
ples of the Church of Rome, and to vindicate the religion 


of Protestants. A Jesuit called Edward Knott, though his 
true name was Matthias Wilson, had published in 1630 
a little book called " Charity mistaken, with the want 
whereof Catholics are unjustly charged, for affirming, as 
they do with grief, that protestancy unrepented destroys 
salvation." This was answered by Dr. Potter, provost of 
Queen's College, Oxford, in 1633, in a tract entitled, 
" Want of charity justly charged on all such Romanists as 
dare without truth or modesty affirm, that protestancy 
destroys salvation." The Jesuit in 1634 published an 
answer, called " Mercy and truth, or charity maintained 

by Catholics : with the want whereof they are 

unjustly charged, for affirming that protestancy destroyeth 
salvation." Knott being informed of Chillingworth's in- 
tention to reply to this, resolved to prejudice the public 
both against the author and his book, in a pamphlet 
called " A direction to be observed by N.N. if he means 
to proceed in answering the book entitled Mercy and 
Truth, &c., printed in 1636, permissu superiorum :" in 
which he makes no scruple to represent Chillingworth as 
a Socinian, a charge which has been since brought against 
him with more etfect. Chillingvvorth's answer to Knott 
was very nearly finished in the beginning of 1637, when 
Laud, who knew our author s freedom in delivering his 
thoughts, and was under some apprehension he might 
indulge it too much in his book, recommended the revisal 
of it to Dr. Prideaux, professor of divinity at Oxford, 
afterwards Bishop of Worcester ; and desired it might be 
published with his approbation annexed to it. Dr. Baylie, 
vice-chancellor, and Dr. Fell, Lady Margaret's professor in 
divinity, also examined the book ; and at the end of the 
year it was published, with their approbation, under this 
title ; " The Religion of Protestants a safe way to Salva- 
tion : or, an answer to a book entitled Mercy and Truth, 
or Charity maintained by Catholics, which pretends to 
prove the contrary." 

In this work he was successful in his iittack upon 


Komanisin. but laid himself sadly open to triumphant 
retaliation, by his taking too wide ground. The 
Church of England can successfully maintain her ground 
against the Church of Rome : but when the dispute 
is between Romanism and Protestantism in general, 
it is, to say the least of it, a drawn battle. It was 
in this book that he propounded the ultra-protestant 
fallacy of the Bible and the Bible only being the religion 
of Protestants. TVhat he meant by the religion of Pro- 
testants he expresses thus : " When I say the religion of 
Protestants is in prudence to be preferred before yours : 
as on the one side I do not understand by your religion, 
the doctrine of Bellarmine or Baronius, or any other 
private man amongst you, nor the doctrine of the Sor- 
bonne, or of the Jesuits, or of the Dominicans, or of any 
other particular company among you, but that wherein 
you all agi'ee, or profess to agree, the doctrine of the 
council of Trent : so accordingly on the other side, by the 
religion of Protestants, I do not understand the doctrine 
of Luther, or Calvin, or Melancthon : nor the confession 
of Augusta, or Geneva, nor the catechism of Heidelberg, 
nor the articles of the Church of England, no, nor the 
Harmony of Protestant Confessions ; but that wherein 
they all agree, and which they all subscribe with a greater 
harmony, as a perfect rule of their faith and actions, that 
is, the Bible. The Bible, I say, the Bible only, is the 
religion of Protestants." "I am fully assured," he says 
in another place, " that God does not, and therefore man 
ought not to require any more of any man than this, to 
believe the Scripture to be Gods word, to endeavour to 
find the tme sense of it, and to live acccording to it." 

This work of Chilling\vorth's has been by some over- 
praised, and by others unduly depreciated. It should be 
borne in mind that in such passages as those quoted 
above, Chillingworth's object was not to point out the way 
in which tmth is to be discovered, but what it is sufificient 
to hold as the foundation when the heart is honest. His 


arfjument is intended to establish this position, that 
taking Protestantism in general, it is as safe a way to 
Balvation as Romanism : its general principle, of taking 
the Bible only for the guide, is as definite and as safe as 
that which rests on the infallibility of the Church of 
Rome. But when the question arises, as to what is the 
way to arrive at the truth, — how are we to understand the 
real sense of Scripture, — then he takes very different 
grounds, and in the preface, where this question was 
started, he says, " I profess sincerely, that 1 believe all 
those books of Scripture, which the Church of England 
accounts canonical, to be the infallible word of God : I 
believe all things evidently contained in them ; all things 
evidentlv, or even probably, deducible from them : I 
acknowledge all that to be heresy, which by the act of 
parliament primo of Queen Elizabeth, is declared to be so, 
and only to be so : and though in such points which may 
be held diversly of divers men salva Fidei compage, I 
would not take any mans liberty from him, and humbly 
beseech all men, that they would not take mine from me I 
Yet thus much I can say (which I hope vcill satisfy any 
man of reason.) that whatsoever hath been held necessary 
to salvation, either by the Catholic Church of all ages, 
or by the consent of fathers, measured by Vincentius 
Lyrinensis' rule, or is held necessaiy either by the Catholic 
Church of this age, or by the consent of Protestants, or 
even by the Church of England, that, against the Soci- 
nians, and all others whatsoever, I do verily believe and 

In the mean time. Chillingwoith had refused prefer- 
ment, which was offered him by Sir Thomas Coventry, 
keeper of the great seal, because his conscience would not 
allow him to subscribe the thirty-nine articles. Consider- 
ing that, by subscribing the articles, he must not only 
declare willingly and ex animo, that every one of the 
articles is agreeable to the word of God : but also that 
the book of common prayer contained nothing contrary to 
the word of God ; that it might lawfully be used ; and 


that he himself would use it : and conceiving at the same 
time, that, both in the articles, and in the book of common 
prayer, there were some things repugnant to the Scripture, 
or that were not lawful to be used, he fully resolved to 
lose for ever all hopes of preferment, rather than comply 
with the subscriptions required. One of his chief objec- 
tions to the common prayer related to the Athanasian 
Creed : the damnatory clauses of which he looked upon as 
contrary to the word of God. Another objection concerned 
the fourth commandment ; which, by the prayer subjoined 
to it. Lord, have mercy upon us, &c., appeared to him to 
be made a part of the Christian law, and consequently to 
bind Christians to the observation of the Jewish Sabbath ; 
and this he found contrary both to the doctrine of the 
Gospel and to the sense of the Church of England, con- 
cerning that holy day of the Christians called Sunday. 
The true notion of that and other holy-days, and the 
reasons for appointing them for the service of God, are thus 
expressed in the act of parliament passed in the year 1552. 
That act sets forth, that, " as at all times men be not so 
mindful to laud and praise God, so ready to resort and 
hear God's holy word, and to come to the holy communion, 
and other laudal)le rites, which are to be observed in every 
Christian congregation, as their bounden duty doth re- 
quire : therefore to call men to remembrance of their duty, 
and to help their infirmity, it hath been wholesomely pro- 
vided, that there should be some certain times and days 
appointed, wherein the Christians should cease from all 
other kinds of labours, and should apply themselves only 
and wholly unto the aforesaid holy works, properly per- 
taining unto true religion and as these works are 

both most commonly, and also may well be called God's 
service, so the times appointed specially for the same, are 
called holy-days, not for the matter or nature either of 

the time or day (for so all days and times considered 

are of like holiness) but for the nature and condition 

of those godly and holy works.. »...whereunto such times 
and days are sanctified and hallowed ; that is to say. 


ficparalod from all profane uses, and dedicated and ap- 
pointed, not unto any saint or creature, Vjut only unto God, 
and his true worship." 

And lest any hody should imagine that these holy-days 
have been determined by the Scripture, it is added : 
" Neither is it to be thought that there is any certain time 
or definite number of days prescribed in holy Scripture, 
but that the appointment both of the time, and also of 
the number of the days is left by the authority of God's 
word to the liberty of Christ's Church to be determined 
and assigned orderly in every country, by the direction of 
the rulers and ministers thereof, as they shall judge most 
expedient to the true setting forth of God's glory, and the 
edification of their people." 

And that these judicious reflections do not relate to 
holy-days or saint>days only, but also to Sundays or Lord's 
days, is evident by what follows : " Be it therefore en- 
acted that all the days hereafter mentioned shall be 

kept, and commanded to be kept holy-days, and none 
other ; that is to say, all Sundays in the year, the days of 
the Feast of the Circumcision of our Lord Jesus Christ, of 
the Lpipliany, of the Purification of the Jilessed Virgin, of 
Saint Matthew the Apostle, of the Annunciation of the 
Blessed Virgin," &c. All the other holy-days now kept 
are here named. By which it appears, that the Sunday is 
rift otherwise ordered to be kept holy-day than these other 

And in order to settle still more clearly the notion 
people are to have of the Sunday and other holy-days, it is 
further provided and enacted : " that it shall be lawful to 
every husbandman, labourer, fisherman, and to all and 
every other person and persons, of what estate, degree or 
condition he or they be, upon the holy-days aforesaid, in 
harvest, or at any other time in the year wVien necessity 
shall require, to labour, ride, fish, or work any kind of 
work, at their free wills and pleasure." 

Which perfectly agrees with the injunctions of King 
Edward VI., published in 1547 (five years before the 


said act), wherein it is ordered, that *' all parsons, vicars, 
and curates shall teach and declare unto their parishioners, 
that they may with a safe and quiet conscience, in the 
time of harvest, labour upon the holy and festival days, 
and save that thing which God hath sent. And if for 
any scrupulosity, or grudge of conscience, men should 
euperstitiously abstain from working upon those days, 
that they then should grievously offend and displease 
God." These very words Queen Elizabeth inserted in her 
injunctions published in 1559 : save only that after the 
words quiet conscience, these are added, after their com- 
mon prayer. 

This shews the sense of the Church of England as to 
the manner of observing the Christian Sabbath or Sunday 
But then another difficulty arises as to the day itself, the 
fourth commandment being thus : " Remember that thou 
keep holy the Sabbath-day. Six days shalt thou labour, 
and do all that thou hast to do ; but the seventh day is 
the Sabbath of the Lord thy God. In it thou shalt do no 
manner of work, thou, and thy son, and thy daughter, 
thy man-servant, and thy maid-servant, thy cattle, and 
the stranger that is within thy gate. For in six days 
the Lord made heaven and earth, the sea, aud all that 
in them is, and rested the seventh day : wherefore 
the Lord blessed the seventh day, and hallowed it." 
Mr. Chillingworth conceived that praying to God to 
incline our hearts to keep this law, imported that the 
Jewish Sabbath, or Saturday is still in foi'ce : which 
he thought neither true, nor lawful to be said, and 
consequently the Common Prayer Book unlawful to be 

This difficulty has embarrassed our divines. But 
Chillingworth, at last, was convinced of the lav»'fulness of 
declaring his assent and consent to the use of the Common 
Prayer Book, as we shall see hereafter. 

On this subject Chillingworth corresponded with 
Dr. Sheldon, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury. It 
appears that several letters passed between them on the 


subject of conformity, and that Chillingworth objected to 
the XXth Article, importing, "that the Church hath power 
to decree rites or ceremonies, and authority in controver- 
sies of faith. 

2. "To the XlVth Article, that voluntary works besides 
over and above God's commandments, which they call 
works of supererogation, cannot be taught without arro- 
gancy and impiety, &c. : which seemed to condemn the 
doctrine of Evangelical Counsels, maintained by the 
fathers, and by several eminent divines of the Church 
of England, as Bishop Andrews, Bishop Morton, Bishop 
Montague, &c. 

3. "To the XXXIst Article, that the offering of Christ 
once made, is that perfect redemption, propitiation, and 
satisfaction for all the sins of the whole world, both original 
and actual : and that there is none other satisfaction 
for sin but that alone. Wherefore the sacrifices of masses, 
in which it was commonly said, that the priest did offer 
Christ for the quick and the dead, to have remission of 
pain or guilt, were blasphemous fables and dangerous 
deceits : scrupling, I presume the generality of the ex- 
pressions contained in the first part of this article, and 
disliking the w^ord blasphemous, which is the latter part 
of it. 

4. " To the Xlllth Article, that works done before the 
grace of Christ, and the inspiration of His Spirit, are not 
pleasant to God, forasmuch as they spring not of faith in 
Jesus Christ, neither do they make men meet to receive 
grace, (or as the school-authors say) deserve grace of con- 
gruity : yea, rather for that they are not done as God 
hath willed and commanded them to be done, we doubt 
not but they have the nature of sin : which appeared to 
him to confine God's grace within too narrow bounds, and 
to exclude from salvation the most virtuous among the 
pagans, &c. 

5. " Lastly, he objected to the Articles in general, as an 
imposition on men's consciences, much like that authority 
which the Church of Rome assumes." 


To his objections Sheldon replied, with respect to 
the XXth Article, that if " occasion require, the Church 
hath power to establish ceremony or doctrine according to 
Scripture, but not against the Scripture. 

2. " To the XlVth Article, he desires him to consider, 
that this article only condemns such Evangelical Counsels 
as suppose a fulfilling of the law, and going beyond it, to 
satisfy and merit for us, which the papists call works of 
supererogation. And upon these reasons, says he, I pre- 
sume did that reverend prelate Andrews, and that learned 
Mountague, subscribe, when they publicly taught Evangeli- 
cal Counsels in their writings. 

3. *' To the XXXIst Article, that it was framed against 
the popish doctrine of the mass, wherein it is pretended that 
the priest doth offer Christ for the quick and the dead ; 
as another satisfaction for sin : there being no such offer- 
ing of Christ in the Scripture, where he will find it once 
offered for all. And that the consequences, which may be 
drawn from transubstantiation, amount to little less than 

4 " To the Xlllth Article, he observes, that works done 
by bare nature are not meiitorious de congruo : nature of 
sin they must have, if sin be in them : and that unless he 
be a downright Pelagian, he may give it a fair, and safe, 
and true interpretation. 

5. "To the objection agaiUvSt confessions of faith, or 
articles of religion, he answers, that the end of these 
general forms of peace, if capable of any construction, lies 
against the papists. And he concludes by admonishing 
him not to be too forward, nor possessed with a spirit of 
contradiction : thus he might — The sentence is here broke 
off — but no doubt Dr. Sheldon meant, that if Mr. Chilling- 
worth would lay aside his mistaken scruples and objec- 
tions ; he might then comply with the subscription 
required, and enjoy the advantages of subscribing." 

Maizeaux, the biographer of Chillingworth, illustrates 
what Sheldon says of Evangelical Counsels, by the follow- 
ing quotation from Montague's Appeal to Caesar : 


*• I do believe there are," says he, *' and ever were, 
Evangelical Counsels ; such as St. Paul mentions in his 
Consilium autem do ; such as our Saviour pointed at and 
directed unto his Qui potest capere capiat ; such as a man 
may do or not do, without guilt of sin, or breach of law ; 
but nothing less than such as the papists fabric up unto 
themselves in their works of supererogation. It is an 
error in divinity, not to put a difference between such 
works, and works done upon counsel and advice. If any 
man, not knowing or not considering the state of the 
question, hath otherwise written, or preached, or taught, 
what is that to me, or to the doctrine of the Church of 
England? His ignorance, or fancy, or misunderstanding, 
or misapplying, is not the doctrine of antiquity, which 
with universal consent held Evangelical Counsels ; nor of 
our Church, in which our Gamaliel hath told us ; Quis 
nescit fieri a nobis multo libere, et quae a Deo non sunt 
imperata voveri et reddi ? These promoters knew it not. 
B. Morton in his Appeal saith (if he does not say true, 
inform against him for it) that we allow the distinction of 
precepts and counsels, lib. v. cap. iv. sect. 3. For his sake 
excuse me from popery, who write no more than he did 
before me : what in God's indulgence is a matter of coun- 
sel?; in regard of strict justice, may come under precept." 
Cap. iv. sect. v. 

The scruples of Chillingworth to subscription were 
known to his antagonist Knott, and furnished him with 
an objection ; but the scruples had been overcome before 
the religion of Protestants was published, as will have been 
seen from a passage already quoted, and at the close of 
the preface, he says, that " though he does not hold the 
doctrine of all Protestants absolutely true, yet he holds it 
free from all impiety, and from all error destructive of 
salvation, or in itself damnable. And this he thinks, in 
reason, may sufficiently qualify him for a maintainor of 
this assertion, that Protestancy destroys not salvation." 
Then he adds this remarkable declaration : " For the 



Church of England, I am persuaded, that the constant 
doctrine of it is so pure and orthodox, that whosoever 
beheves it, and hves according to it, undoubtedly he shall 
be saved ; and there is no error in it which may necessi- 
tate or warrant any man to disturb the peace, or renounce 
the communion of it. This, in my opinion, says he, is 
all intended by subscription ; and thus much, if you con- 
ceive me not ready to subscribe, your charity, I assure 
you, is much mistaken." Chillingworth expresses here, 
not only his readiness to subscribe, but also what he con- 
ceives to be the sense and intent of such a subscription : 
which he now takes to be a subscription of peace or union^ 
and not of belief or assent, as he formerly thought it was. 
When he had got the better of his scruples, he w^as pro- 
moted to the chancellorship of Salisbury, with the prebend 
of Brix worth, in Northamptonshire, annexed ; and, as 
appears from the subscription- book of the church of Salis- 
bury, upon July 20, 1638, he complied with the usual 
subscription, in the manner just related. About the same 
time he was appointed master of Wigston's hospital, in 
Leicestershire. In 1646 he was deputed by the chapter 
of Salisbury their proctor in convocation. He was zea- 
lously attached to the royal party, and at the siege of 
Gloucester, begun August 10, 1643, was present in the 
Kings army, where he advised and directed the m: iking 
certain engines for assaulting the town, after the manner 
of the Roman iestudines cum joluteis, but which the success 
of the enemy prevented him from employing. Soon after, 
having accompanied the Lord Hopton, general of the 
King's forces in the west, to Arundel Castle, in Sussex, 
and choosing to repose himself in that garrison, on ac- 
count of an indisposition occasioned by the severity of the 
season, he was taken prisoner on the 9th of December, 
1643, by the parliament forces under the command of 
Sir William Waller. But his illness increasing, and not 
being able to go to London with the garrison, he obtained 
leave to be conveyed to Chichester ; where he was lodged 


in the bishop's palace, and where, after a short illness, he 
died. It was at Arundel Castle that he first met with 
Cheynell (see Cheynell), at whose request he was removed 
to Chichester, where that wild fanatic attended him con- 
stantly, and treated him with as much compassion as 
his uncharitable principles would permit. He is supposed 
to have died on the 30th of January, 1644, and was 
buried, according to his own desire, in the cathedral of 

Chillingworth's loyalty made him look with a friendly 
eye upon the doctrine of Episcopacy. He wrote a small 
tract to shew that Episcopacy is not repugnant to the 
government settled in the Church for perpetuity by the 
Apostles. The occasion was this : Dr. Morton, Bishop of 
Durham, having composed a treatise, entitled, The judg- 
ment of Protestant Divines, of remote Churches, as well 
such, as were the first Reformers of religion, as others, 
after them, in behalf of episcopal degree in the Church : 
his manuscript was sent to Archbishop Usher, who was 
then at Oxford ; and he published it without the author's 
name to it, and knowledge of it, under the title of Con- 
fessions and Proofs of Protestant Divines of Reformed 
Churches, that Episcopacy is in respect of the office 
according to the word of God, and in respect of the use 
the best. The learned Primate added to it a brief treatise 
of his own, with his name prefixed before it, touching the 
original of Bishops and Metropolitans. And in order to 
complete that collection, Mr. Chillingworth furnished him 
with the aforesaid tract, which being subjoined to the 
other two, as a conclusion, was in titled. The Apostolical 
Institution of Episcopacy ; deduced out of the premises 
by W, C. This little piece has been reprinted several 
times: "and I don't find," says Maizeaux, "anything 
was published against it till of late. But whether it may 
be easily confuted, the reader will judge by the ensuing 

"If we abstract from Episcopal government," says 
Mr. Chillingworth, " all axjcidentals, and consider only 


what is essential and necessary to it ; we shall find in it 
no more but this. An appointment of one man of 
emioent sanctity and sufficiency to have the care of all the 
churches, within a certain precinct or diocese ; and fur- 
nishing him with authority, not absolute or arbitrary, but 
regulated and bounded by laws, and moderated by join- 
ing to him a convenient number of assistants. To the 
intent that all the churches under him may be provided 
of good and able pastors : and that both of pastors and 
people conformity to the laws and performance of their 
duties may be required, under penalties, not left to dis- 
cretion, but by law appointed. 

" To this kind of government," pursues he, " I am not 
by any particular interest so devoted as to think it ought 
to be maintained, either in opposition to Apostolic institu- 
tion, or to the much desired reformation of men s lives, 
and restoration of primitive discipline, or to any law or 
precept of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ: for that 
were to maintain a means contrary to the end : for obedi- 
ence to our Saviour is the end for which church govern- 
ment is appointed. But if it may be demonstrated, or 
made much more probable than the contrary, as I verily 
think it may : 1. That it is not repugnant to the govern- 
ment settled in and for the Church by the Apostles: 
2. That it is as compilable with the reformation of any 
evil, which we desire to reform either in Church or State, 
or the introduction of any good which we desire to intro- 
duce, as any other kind of government : and 3. That 
there is no law, no record of our Saviour against it : then 
I hope it will not be thought an unreasonable motion, if 
we humbly desire those that are in authority, especially 
the high court of parliament, that it may not be sacrificed 
to clamour, or overborne by violence : and though (which 
God forbid) the greater part of the multitude should cry. 
Crucify, crucify, yet our governors would be so full of 
justice and courage, as not to give it up until they per- 
fectly understand concerning Episcopacy itself. Quid mali 
fecit. I shall speak at this time only of the first of these 


three points ; that Episcopacy is not repugnant to the 
government settled in the Church for perpetuity by the 
Apostles. Whereof I conceive this which follows as clear 
a demonstration as any thing of this nature is capable 
of," &c. 

What he says afterw^ards upon that point he resumes 
thus in the conclusion : " Episcopal government is ac- 
knowledged to have been universally received in the 
church presently after the Apostles' times. Between the 
Apostles' times and this presently after, there was not 
time enough for, nor possibility of so great an alteration. 
And therefore there was no such alteration as is pretended. 
And therefore Episcopacy, being confessed to be so an- 
cient and catholic, must be granted also to be apostolic. 
Quod erat demonstrandum." — Maizeaux. Birch. 


Edmund Chishull was born at Eyworth in Bedford- 
shire, and educated at Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 
where he took his degree of master of arts in 1693, pre- 
viously to which he published a Latin poem on the battle 
of La Hogue. In 1698 he became chaplain to the factory 
at Smyrna, where he continued till 1702. In 1705 he 
was admitted to his degree of B.D., and the next year he 
wrote an answer to Mr. Dodwell on the immortality of 
the soul. In 1707 he zealously exposed the enthusiastic 
absiTrdities of the French prophets, in a sermon, on the 
28rd of November, at Seijeant's Inn chapel, in Chancery- 
lane. On the 1st of September, 1708, he w^as presented 
to the vicarage of Walthamstow, in Essex; and in 1711 
he was appointed one of the chaplains in ordinary to the 
Queen. He now became distinguished for his researches 
in classical antiquities, and in 1721 he published, Inscrip- 
tio Sigaea antiquissima BOTSTPO^HAON exarata. Com- 
mentario eam Historico-Grammatico-Gritico iliustravit 


Edrmindus ChishuU, S.T.B. Regiae Majestati a sacris, 
folio. This was followed by Notarum ad Inscriptionem 
Sigaeam appendicula ; addita a Sigseo altera ADtiochi 
Soteris inscriptione, folio, in fifteen pages, without a date. 
Both these pieces were afterwards incorporated in his 
Antiquitaties Asiaticae. When Dr. Mead, in 1724, pub- 
lished his Harveian oration, delivered in the preceding 
year at the Royal College of Physicians, Mr. Chishull 
added to it, by way of appendix, Dissertatio de Nummis 
quibusdam aSmyrnaeis in Medicorum Honorem percussis. 
In 1728 appeared, in folio, his great work, Antiquitates 
Asiaticae Christianam ^Eram antecedentes ; ex primariis 
Monumentis Graecis descriptse, Latine versae, Notisque et 
Commentariis illustratae. Accedit Monumentum Latinum 
Ancyranum. The work contains a collection of inscrip- 
tions made by consul Sherard, Dr. Picenini, and Dr. Lisle, 
afterwards Bishop of St. Asaph. Chishull added to the 
Antiquitates Asiaticae two small pieces which he had 
before publihsed, viz: Conjectanea de Nummo CKnni 
inscripto, and Iter Asias Poeticum, addressed to the 
Rev. John Horn. In 1731 he was presented to the 
rectory of South-church in Essex. He died in 1733. 
Dr. Mead testified his regard for the memory of Chishull 
by publishing, in 1747, his travels in Turkey, and back 
to England, folio. — Biog. Brit. Nichols s Bowyer. 


Fbancis Timoleon de Choisy was born in Paris, in 
1644. His youth was very irregular, and so indeed were 
his maturer years ; nevertheless, notwithstanding the 
boasted discipline of Roman Catholic Churches, he was 
highly preferred, and that too, through the interest of the 
French court, the patronage of which, especially of Mon- 
sieur, the brother of Louis XIV., those very irregularities 
procured him. He became dean of the cathedral at 


Bayeaux, and a member of the French academy. He was 
sent to the King of Siam, with the ChevaUer de Chaumont 
in 1685, and was ordained priest in the Indies by the 
apostoHcal vicar. He died in 17-^4. His principal works 
are: — 1. Quatre Dialogues sur llmmortalite de I'Ame, 
&c. which he wrote with M. Dangeau, l'2mo. 2. Relation 
du Voyage de Siam, 12mo. 3. Histoires de Piete et de 
Morale, 2 vols, 12mo. 4. Hist, de TEglise, 11 vols, in 4to, 
and in 12mo. 5. La Vie de David, avec une Interpre- 
tation des Pseaumes, 4to, 6. The Lives of Solomon ; of 
St. Louis, 4to ; of Philip de Valois, and of King John, 
4to; of Charles V. 4to ; and of Charles VL 4to ; and of 
Mad. de Miramion, 12mo; his Memoirs, l*2mo. — lyAlem- 
bert. Moreri. 


John Christopherson was a native of Lancashire, and 
was educated at St. John's College, Cambridge. He was 
one of the first fellows of Trinity College, being appointed 
in 1546. He shortly after became master of that house. 
During the reign of Edward VL, being adverse to the 
reformation party then in power, he resided abroad, being 
supported by his college. On the accession of Mary he 
returned to England, and in October, 1554, he was sent 
by Bonner to Cambridge, to enforce the observation of 
three articles, which it seems w^ere not so exactly regarded 
before ; 

I. That every scholar should wear his apparel according 
to his degree in the schools. 

II. Touching the pronunciation of the Greek tongue. 
In which, no question, the university follow^ed Sir John 
Cheke's reformed and correct way of reading and sounding 
it; though this Gardiner, their chancellor, in King 
Henry's days, had sent a peremptory order forbidding it. 
But he being under a cloud in the reign of King Edward, 
Cheke's way prevailed again. And so now it was to be 
forbidden again. 


III. That every preacher there should declare the whole 
style of the King and Queen in their sermons. 

Upon these and several other orders, many students 
left the university. Some were thrust out of their fellow- 
ships ; some miserably handled. Four and twenty places 
in St. John's College became vacant, and others more 
ignorant put in their rooms. 

He also published an exhortation upon occasion of the 
late insurrection directed to all men to take heed of rebel- 
lion, wherein are set down the causes which commonly 
lead men to rebel, and shewing there was no cause that 
ought to move a man thereto. It was printed in 8vo by 
Cawood. He was soon after made dean of Norwich, and 
taking an active part against the reformers, has the dis- 
credit of being associated with Bonner, through whose 
influence he was appointed examiner of heretics. While 
the Elect of Chichester, to which see he was consecrated 
in 1557, he acted under a commission from Cardinal Pole, 
and went to Cambridge with two other prelates, when, 
after a formal process, they caused the body of Martin 
Bucer to be disinterred and burnt. He was one of the 
prelates who sat in judgment upon the martyr Philpot, 
and w^hen he had reproached him with ignorance of the 
doctors, Philpot told the bishop, " that it was a shame for 
them to wrest and wreath the doctors as they did, to 
maintain a false religion : and that the doctors were alto- 
gether against them, if they took them aright : and that it 
was indeed their false packing of doctors together had 
given him and others occasion to look upon them : where- 
by we find you," said he, " shameful liars, and misrepre- 
senters of the ancient doctors." 

He died in 1658, and was buried at Christ Church, 
London, with all the popish ceremonies. A great banner 
was carried of the arms of the see of Chichester, and his 
own arms ; and four banners of saints. Five bishops did 
offer at the mass, and two sung mass. And after, all 
retiring from the place of burial, were entertained at a 
great dinner. He translated Philo Judfeus into Latin, 


Antwerp, 1558, 4to, and also the ecclesiastical histories of 
Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomen, Evagrius, and Theodoret, 
Louvain, 1570, 8vo ; Cologne, 1570, fol. 

Valesius, in his preface to Eusebius, says, that, compared 
with Ruffinus and Musculus, who had translated these 
historians before him, Christopherson may be reckoned 
a diligent and learned man, but that he is far from de- 
serving the character of a good translator ; that his style 
is impure, and full of barbarisms ; that his periods are 
long and perplexed; that he has frequently acted the 
commentator, rather than the translator ; that he has en- 
larged and retrenched at pleasure ; that he has transposed 
the sense oftentimes, and has not always preserved the 
distinction even of chapters. The learned Huet has 
passed the same censure on him, in his book De Inter- 
pretatione. Hence Baronius, among others, has often been 
misled by him. Christopherson wrote, also, about the 
year 1546, the tragedy of Jephthah, both in Latin and 
Greek, dedicated to Henry YIII., which was most prO" 
bably a Christmas play for Trinity College. — Strype. 


John, surnamed Chkysostom, or the Golden Mouth, 
from his eloquence, was born at iVntioch, about a.d. 347, 
of a wealthy family. He was piously educated by his 
widowed mother, Anthusa, a woman worthy to take rank 
wath Monica, the mother of Augustine, and Nouna, the 
mother of St. Gregory Nazianzen. He studied under 
Libenius, the celebrated teacher of eloquence and litera- 
ture at Antioch. He afterwards devoted himself to the 
avocations of the Forum, and practised as an advocate. 
But his mind w^as bent upon higher studies, and in the 
study of sacred literature he was encouraged and assisted 
by Meletius, his bishop, who, at the same time, pre- 
pared him for the Sacrament of Baptism. In those days> 
many parents, through a mistaken awe of the Sacrament, 


neglected to have their children baptized in infancy, 
and such had been the mistaken conduct of Anthusa. 
After three years' instruction under Meletius, Chrysostom 
was baptized by that bishop, and soon after was ordained 
as a reader. 

It was the custom of that day for couverts to choose 
between the ecclesiastical and monastic state, according to 
their inclinations to an active or retired life. Many of the 
young men of Antioch thus spiritually awakened, con- 
nected themselves with the monks who lived in cells upon 
the hills near the city, and who occupied themselves by 
prayer and devotional music, by religious meditation, the 
study of the sacred writings, and various manual occupa- 
tions. The enthusiasm of that age tended to asceticism, 
just as the religious enthusiasm of the present age tends 
to excitement, self-indulgence, and the violent advocacy 
of human systems of theology, such as Calvinism. The 
young mind of St. Chrysostom was ascetic, and if he had 
been his own master, he would have joined the monks ; 
but his mother, dreading to be separated from her son, 
endeavoured to retain him in her house, and without con- 
sulting him, provided for all his personal wants, that he 
might follow the bent of his mind the more undisturbed. 
On the other hand his friend Basil, the companion of 
his youthful studies, having chosen a path of life different 
from his own, and having joined the monks, exerted him- 
self in every way to bring over Chrysostom to his views. 
This, however, his mother strove to prevent, representing 
to him, that he was the only comfort of her old age, and 
that there was no sacrifice she had not made for his 
sake ; and without doubt he was influenced by these 

In this retirement he was zealously occupied by the 
study of the Bible. His spiritual father, Meletius, could 
no longer be his guide and instructor ; he had been 
exiled p. c. o70, by the Emperor Yalens, who persecuted 
many of the opponents of Arianism, and he passed several 
years in banishment. His place was supplied by the 


presbyters Eyagrius and Diodorus, the latter of whom was 
afterwards known as Bishop of Tarsus in Cilicia, and who 
obtained great esteem by his learning and persevering 
zeal in the defence of divine truth against heathens and 
heretics, tie w^andered unwearied through the old town 
of Antioch on the further side of the Orontes, where the 
congregation of Meletius had fixed their seat, to confirm 
men in the true faith. He would not accept any settled 
income with his office ; but he was received first in one 
house and then in another, and was content to have his 
daily need relieved by the love of those, for whose salvation 
he laboured amid so many perils He also couferred a 
great benefit upon the Church of this district, by assem- 
bling around him, as the presbyters Dorotheus and Lucia- 
nus had done at the latter end of the third century, a 
circle of young men, whose religious education he superin- 
tended. In this union Chrysostom and Theodorus were 
alike conspicuous, the latter of whom subsequently distin- 
guished himself as the successor of Diodorus, both in this 
and in the episcopal office. We may suppose that the 
influence exercised by Diodorus over Chrysostom must 
have been great, when we remember that Diodorus above 
all others contributed to form that Antiochian school so 
remarkably distinguished by the character of its theology, 
and which was perfected by Theodoras. In this school 
Chrysostom acquired that simple, sound, grammatic and 
historical mode of interpreting the Bible, in which he 
suffered himself to be guided and determined by its spirit, 
rather than by that capricious system of allegory adopted 
by others, which gave to the inspired volume a sense 
foreign to it, and substituted for its simplicity far-fetched 
and specious meanings, supposed to lie concealed within 
it. Thus from the simple w^ord did Chrysostom derive 
the rich treasures which are to be met with in his homilies ; 
and thus was formed the sober, practical Christianity 
which afterwards rendered him so eminent, and which is 
always to be found with those, who in singleness of heart 
seek from the fountain source a knowledge of divine truth. 


Meanwhile the fame of his pious zeal and ability ex- 
tended far and wide, and raised in bishops and in flocks a 
wish to draw him from retirement, and win him to a 
higher office of the Church. Many sought to persuade 
both him and his friend Basil to undertake episcopal 
ministries, although thirty was the age prescribed by the 
law, and they were not above twenty- six years old. Both 
agreed to act together on a common plan, and to decline 
any invitation of this nature ; because they entertained too 
high an idea of the importance and duties of the office, to 
consider themselves fitted for it. But the opinion, which 
Chrysostom held of his friend, totally differed from that, 
which he formed of himself. While he was only conscious 
of his own defects, he remarked qualities in his friend, 
which rendered him more worthy of the episcopal dignity, 
than many others of his contemporaries and fellow coun- 
trymen ; and he thought himself justified in a deception, 
in order to place his friend in such a sphere of action. 
Basil was elected Bishop, and received consecration under 
the impression, that his friend had also received it, ac- 
cording to their agreement ; but Chrysostom had contrived 
to withdraw himself from the charge. In conferences with 
Basil, he had to defend himself against the accusation of 
having violated friendship ; and one word giving rise to 
another, Chrysostom disclosed to him his views concerning 
the dignity and duties of the episcopal office ; but at the 
same time he strove to encourage him in his undertak- 
ing. These conversations gave occasion afterwards to 
one of Chrysostom's most important writings, the De 

On his mothers death Chrysostom put in execution 
his favourite project of joining the monks near Antioch, 
but, in 380, his health having been injured by his 
studies and his austerities, he returned to the city, 
and he was in 384 ordained deacon by Meletius; by 
whose successor, Flavian, he was ordained priest five 
years afterwards, and then his duties .as a preacher 


Although he tells us that some persons were displeased 
at the slowness of his speech, his preaching at Antioch 
was attended with the best results, and he himself states 
to us the principle upon which he prepared his discourses, 
when he says, " that which is plain will benefit the simple, 
and that w^hich is deep will edify those whose perception 
is more acute. The table must be covered with a variety 
of dishes, because the guests have diiferent tastes." Thus 
he provided much for the many, and a little for the few. 
One piece of advice that he gave to his congregation 
sounds strange to modern ears, " since there are some so 
weak that they cannot follow the discourse its whole 
length, I advise them as soon as they have heard as much 
instruction as they are able to receive, to depart." This 
is better, perhaps, than the modern practice of falling 
asleep. The following passage shews tliat the custom of 
leaving the church when the sermon was concluded, and 
before the Eucharist was administered, prevailed in his 
time, and it also shews that the Romish custom of non- 
communicants remaining while the holy Sacrament is 
administered, did not at that time exist. 

" Often in that sacred hour," he said, "have I looked 
around for this vast multitude, which is now assembled 
here, and listening with such great attention, but found 
them not ; and deeply did I lament, that ye so earnestly 
and eagerly listened to your fellow-servant, who now ad- 
dresseth you, thronging each other and remaining to the 
last, but, when Christ was about to appear in His Holy 
Supper, that the church should be deserted. Your hurry- 
ing away the moment my discourse is ended is a proof, 
that none of the words addressed to you have been received 
and treasured up in your hearts ; or, fixed in your souls, 
they would surely have detained you, and led you to receive 
the holiest of mysteries with increased veneration. But 
now, when the preacher hath ceased, ye depart without 
benefit, as if ye had listened to a player upon the harp. 
And what is the cold excuse of the many ? We can pray, 

VOL IT. c 


say they, at home ; but we canoot there receive instruction 
and hear the sermon. Ye err; — ye can truly pray at 
home, but not as ye can pray in the church, where so 
great a number of the fathers are met together, and where 
so many voices unite to raise a prayer to God. Ye find 
here what ye cannot find at home — the hamiony of souls, 
the accord of voices, the bond of love^ the prayers of the 
priests; for therefore do the priests preside, that the 
feeble prayers of the multitude, borne aloft by their more 
powerful petitions, may reach together unto heaven. And 
what advantage th the sermon, if it be not joined with 
prayer? First, prayer; then, the word. Thus say the 
Apostles : ' We will give ourselves continually to prayer, 
and to the ministry of the word.' And thus did Paul 
commence his epistles with prayer, that he might enkindle 
with the sparks of prayer the fire of speech. If ye accus- 
tom yourselves to pray with a proper earnestness, ye will 
not need the instruction of your fellow-servant, but God 
Himself will enlighten your minds without a mediator." 
In another sermon, he says, that the consciousness of 
being beloved by so great a community inspired him with 
much confidence, because on that account he felt sure of 
their intercession. The worth of this intercession might 
be seen in the instance of the Apostle Paul, since that 
great Apostle declared, that he needed the intercession of 
his disciples. He then comments upon the powerful in- 
fluence of a common prayer. He said not this on his own 
account, but to stimulate their zeal for a communion in 
the prayers of the Church. To the objection : Can I not 
pray at home ? he answered : " That, indeed, thou canst ; 
but prayer hath not so great a power, as when it is offered 
up in communion with thy brethren; when the whole 
body of the congregation, out of one heart and with one 
voice, poureth forth the request, in the presence of the 
priests, who bear aloft the common prayers of the multi- 
tude." We will compare with this extract a passage from 
one of his sermons preached at Constantinople, in which 


he expresses himself yet more strongly upon this point. 
He answered those, who inquired: "Wherefore should we 
go to church, if we can hear no preacher there ? — This 
delusion is your destruction. Wherefore do we need 
a preacher ? The necessity hath arisen from our own 
negligence. For what need have we of a sermon ? In 
the Holy Scriptures all is clear and plain ; every thing 
necessary is therein manifest. But because ye are 
listeners, seeking entertainment, ye long so much for 
the sermon." 

He attached great value to the prayers of the old Antio- 
chian litui'gy, drawn from the depths of Christian experi- 
ence, and clothed for the most part in biblical language ; 
and he frequently drew the attention of his congregation 
to them in his sermons. We have already remarked the 
fruitful manner, in which he availed himself of these 
prayers, and applied them ; and we will further illustrate 
this by a few examples. One of his homilies was solely 
devoted to an explanation of the beautiful church prayer 
for the catechumens, and he availed himself of it to shew 
in what consisted a fit preparation for baptism, and a 
lively faith. He was often compelled to remark, how 
many listened mechanically to these beautiful forms of 
hturgy, scarcely conscious of their import, and to notice 
that deficiency of piety, which betrayed itself in their 
pressing against each otlier during the prayers of the 
Church, and during the celebration of the Holy Commu- 
nion, that they might depart earlier without waiting for 
the termination of the prayers and the solemn dismissal 
of the congregation. He frequently delivered strong 
censures upon this conduct. On one occasion, he said ; 
" Hear these words of Christ, ye, who have again departed 
before the last prayer offered up after the celebration of 
the Holy Communion : Christ gave thanks to God before 
He distributed the supper among His disciples, that we 
also might give thanks ; and after He had distributed it 
among them. He sung a hymn to the praise of God, that 
we likewise might do the same." And on the festival of 


the holy Epiphany, he says : " Let us, then, to-day, 
endeavour to correct a sin openly committed by all. Would 
ye know what this sin is ? It is the not approaching the 
Lord's table with fear and trembling, but stamping, 
striking, swelling with wrath, screaming, insulting, and 
pushing those near to you, full of passion and turbulence. 
Tell me, why are ye thus tumultuous ? Wherefore hasten 
ye ? Doth business summon you ? Can ye think, in that 
hour, of worldly affairs ? Can ye then remember, that ye 
are upon earth — deem yourselves dwelling among men ? 
Doth it not betray a heart of stone, to recollect in that 
moment that ye are standing upon earth, and not amid 
the choirs of angels, with whom ye have resounded aloft 
that holy hymn ? with whom ye have chaunted that song 
of triumph unto God ? Shall I tell you whence this dis- 
order and noise proceed ? Because we do not close the 
doors during the whole time of divine service, but permit 
you,' before the last prayer of thanksgiving is offered up, 
to rise suddenly, and depart home. This, of itself^ is an 
act of great contempt. While Christ is present, while the 
angels are standing around, w4iile that holy table is spread 
before you, while your brethren are yet partaking of the 
Holy Supper, — ye hasten away. Were ye invited to a 
feast, though your own hunger were appeased, ye would 
not venture to absent yourselves, so long as the other 
guests are reclining at the table." He likewise exhorted 
them to join with devotion in these prayers of the 
Church ; and, according to his custom, he sought, by 
using the forms of the liturgy, to impress his exhorta- 
tions deeper upon their minds : " Even the words," he 
said, " of the deacon, calling upon all: ' Let us stand up, 
as it beseemeth us,' are not introduced without a meaning, 
but that we should raise our grovelling thoughts, and, 
throwing off the fetters of earthly cares, raise our souls to 
God. That this is signified — that these words regard not 
the body, but the soul, we may learn from Paul, who in 
like manner useth this mode of speech ; for, writing to 
fallen and desponding men, he saith : * Wherefore lift up 


the hands which haog down, and the feeble knees.' What 
then ? Shall we saj, that he speaketh of the hands and 
knees of the body ? Certainly not ; for he addresseth not 
runners, nor pugilists ; but he exhorteth them by these 
words to raise the power of their souls, laid prostrate by 
temptations. Consider near whom thou standest, — that 
with the cherubim themselves thou art about to call upon 
God. Examine the assembled choir, and it will suffice to 
excite thy watchfulness, when thou thinkest, that, bearing 
about with thee a body, and held together by flesh, thou 
art deemed worthy of singing hymns to the common Lord 
of all, in company with the spiritual powers. Let no one, 
then, with a faint heart take part in these sacred hymns ; 
let no one in that season entertain a wordly thought ; but, 
having banished all earthly things from his mind, and 
transferred himself entirely to heaven, as if standing near 
the very throne of glory, and flying amid the seraphim, let 
him send forth that holiest of hymns to the God of glory 
and power. Therefore are we then called upon to stand 
erect, as it beseemeth us; for this signifieth nothing 
more than to stand so, as it becometh man to stand before 
God, with fear and trembling, with a watchful and a sober 
mind." And in another sermon, "Oh, man! what art 
thou doing ? Hast thou not pledged thyself to the priest, 
when he said to thee, ' Lift up your hearts,' and thou 
didst answer, ' We lift them up unto the Lord' ? Fearest 
thou not, and art thou not ashamed, in that awful hour to 
be found a liar ?" 

In his exposition of the -list Psalm, he thus speaks on 
the salutary influence of vocal music in the churches : 
" Nothing so lifteth up, and, as it were, wingeth the soul, 
so freeth it from earth, and looseth it from the chains of 
the body, so leadeth it unto wisdom, and a contempt of all 
earthly things, as the choral symphony of a sacred hymn, 
set in harmonious measure. Our nature delighteth so 
much in song, and so accordeth with it, that infants at the 
breast, when fretful or sobbing, are thereby lulled asleep." 


After having endeavoured to show, hy various examples, 
that when the soul is under the intiuence of song, men 
are better enabled to endure exertion and labour, he con- 
tinued ; " the singing of psalms bringeth with it much 
gain, support, and sanctification, and can supply various 
lessons of wisdom, if the words purify the heart, and the 
Holy Ghost straightways descend upon the soul of the 
singer. For we learn from Paul, that those, who sing 
with understanding, call down upon them the grace of the 
Holy Spirit. He saith : ' Be not drunk with wine, where- 
in is excess ; but be filled with the Spirit,' and he addeth 
thereunto the manner ; in which we are to be filled with 
the Holy Spirit : ' By singing and making melody in your 
heart to the Lord.' What signify these words, 'in your 
heart"? He would say with understanding, that the 
mouth utter not the words, while the soul wandereth 
everywhere abroad ; but that the soul be conscious of that 
which the tongue speaketh." Again, in the same dis- 
course : " Let us not, then, without due thought, enter 
here, and carelessly sing the responses ; but let us bear 
them hence, as a staff for the rest of our days. Each 
verse may impart to us wisdom, correct our doctrines, and 
afford us the greatest aid in life ; and if we nicely search 
each saying, we shall gather therefrom rich fruit. No one 
can, in this instance, allege the excuse of poverty, business, 
or want of understanding ; for shouldest thou be poor, and 
because of thy poverty possess no Bible, or shouldest thou 
possess one, and not have the time to read therein, thou 
needest only to keep in thy heart the responses thou hast 
so often chaunted here, and thou wilt draw from them a 
great consolation." 

He frequently and earnestly exhorted his people to 
study the Bible. The following may be quoted as one sen- 
tence out of many : 

" Let us then heed the reading of the Holy Scriptures, 
not only during these two hours, but constantly ; for the 
mere listening hero will not be sufficient to secure the 


salvation of our souls. Let each man, when he returneth 
home, take the Bible in his hand, and if he desire to 
derive a full and enduring advantage from the Holy 
Scripture, let him ponder therein upon the things spoken 
in the church. For the tree, which groweth beside the 
stream, n^ingleth not with its waters for two or three hours 
only, but during the whole day and the whole night. 
Therefore is the plant rich in leaves : therefore is it laden 
with fruit, although no man water it; because, standing 
upon the bank of the river, it draweth up moisture 
through its roots, and through them imparteth strength to 
the whole stem. Thus he, who continually readeth the 
Bible, although no man be near to expound it, receiveth 
thereby into his soul abundant nourishment from that 
sacred fountain." 

But while he thus preached, he taught men also to 
defer in their interpretation of Scripture to apostolical 
tradition, and the authority of the Church, for " Scripture 
cannot contain two contradictory meanings." 

He was particularly anxious to promote a zealous obser- 
vance of the festival of Christmas, as the following extract 
from one of two sermons he preached on this subject in 
the year 387 will shew. 

" The festival approacheth, the most to be revered, 
the most awful, and which we might justly term the centre 
of all festivals, — that of the birth and manifestation of 
Christ in the flesh. Hence the festivals of Epiphany, of 
holy Easter, of Ascension, and of Pentecost, derive their 
origin and signification. Had Christ not been born a 
man, he w^ould not have been baptized, and we should not 
have observed the festival of Epiphany ; he would not 
have been crucified, and we should not have solemnized 
the festival of Easter ; he would not have sent down the 
Holy Ghost, and we should not have celebrated the day of 
Pentecost. Therefore from this one festival all other 
festivals arise, as various streams flow from the same foun- 
tain. But not for this reason alone, should this day be 
pre-eminent, but because the event, which occurred upon 


it, was of all events the most stupendous. For that 
Christ should die, was the natural consequence of His 
having become man ; because although He had committed 
no sin, He had assumed a mortal body. But that being 
God, He should have condescended to become man, and 
should have endured to humble Himself to a degree surpas- 
sing human understanding, is of all miracles the most 
awful and astonishing. It was at this, that Paul wondered 
and said : ' without controversy great is the mystery of 
godliness.' What did he say was great? ' that God was 
manifest in the flesh.' And again : ' Verily He took not 
on Him the nature of angels, but He took on Him the 
seed of Abraham. Wherefore in all things it behoveth 
Him to be made like unto His brethren.' Therefore I 
love and honour this day beyond all others, and I hold 
up this my love in the midst of you, that ye may likewise 
become participators in it. Therefore I beseech you on 
this day to leave your houses with zeal and alacrity, and 
to be here present, that we may together behold our Lord 
wrapped in swaddling clothes, lying in the manger. For 
what excuse, what pardon can there be for us, if we will 
not so much as come hither from our houses to seek Him, 
Who for our sakes descended from heaven ? The Magi, 
although they were strangers and barbarians, hastened 
from Persia, that they might behold the Saviour lying in 
the manger ; and shall not we, who are Christians, endure 
to measure so short a distance for the enjoyment of this 
blessed sight ? For if we approach with faith we shall 
surely behold Him lying in a manger. His holy table 
will supply the place of a manger. For there will be 
spread the Body of our Lord, not wrapped in swaddling 
clothes as then, but on all sides surrounded by His Holy 
Spirit. Approach then, and make the offering of thy gifts, 
not such as were presented by the Magi, but gifts 
infinitely more precious. They brought gold ; do thou 
bring temperance and virtue : they offered frankincense; 
do thou offer the prayer of a pure heart, wjiich is spiritual 
frankincense : they presented myrrh ; do thou present 


humility, meekness, and charity. If thou draw near with 
these gifts, thou mayest with much confidence partake of 
the Holy Supper." 

Again his observations on Lent are worthy of being 
remembered : 

" Wherefore do we fast during^ these forty days ? Former- 
ly many persons partook of the Lord's Supper without due 
preparation, and especially at this season in which Christ 
instituted that Holy Sacrament. When the fathers per- 
ceived the evil consequences arising from this careless 
attendance, they met together and appointed a period of 
forty days for the purpose of hearing the divine word, for 
prayer and fasting, that we being purified during these 
forty days by prayer, by giving of alms, by fasting, by 
vigils, by tears, by a confession of our sins to God, and by 
all other means, might be enabled to approach the holy 
table with a conscience as clear as sinners may possess. 
And it is evident that the fathers by this condescension 
effected much good, in that they thereby habituated us to 
fasting. For were we during the whole year to raise our 
voices, and to call upon men to fast, no one would heed 
our words ; but when the season of the fast arrive ih, 
without the exhortation of any one, the most supine are 
awakened, and take counsel from the season itself. Should 
therefore the Jew or the heathen ask : Wherefore fast ye ? 
answer not, on account of the festival of Easter, nor on 
account of the crucifixion; but on account of our sins, 
because we would draw near to the Lord's Table. For 
Easter is not otherwise a time for fasting, nor for grief, 
but an occasion of joy and exultation. The death of our 
Lord upon the cross hath taken away sin ; it was an expi- 
ation for the whole world ; it hath put an end to long 
enmity ; it hath opened the doors of heaven ; it hath 
reconciled God to those who before were hateful in His 
sight, and led them back to heaven ; it hath raised our 
nature to the right hand of the Almighty's throne, and 
hath acquired for us many other blessings. Wherefore 
Paul saith : ' God forbid, that I should glory, save in the 


cross of our Lord Jesus Christ.' And again : ' God com- 
mendeth His love towards us, in that, while we were . yet 
sinners, Christ died for us.' And St. John expressly 
declareth: 'God so loved the world.' In what manner? 
Passing by all other things, he holdeth up to us the cross ; 
for after saying, * God so loved the world,' he addeth, 
'that He gave His only-begotten Son' to be crucified, 
' that whosoever believeth in Him should not perish, but 
have everlasting life.' If then the cross be a proof of 
God's love towards us, and an occasion of our exultation, 
let us not say, that it is the cause of our grief. For we 
grieve not on that account. God forbid ! but on account 
of our sins. Therefore we fast." 

The festival of Ascension was instituted, according to 
Chrysostom, in the remembrance of the glorification of 
human nature through Christ. He observes that, " Christ 
hath presented to the Father the first fruits of our nature, 
and the Father hath valued the gift so highly, on account 
of the worthiness of Him Who offered it, and on account of 
the sanctity of the thing offered, that He received it with 
His own hands, and placed it next Himself: saying, 
' Sit Thou at My right hand.' But to what nature did 
God ever say, ' Sit thou at My right hand ?' To that 
very nature, which once heard the words : ' Dust thou art, 
and unto dust thou shalt return.' Willingly do I dwell 
upon the lowliness of our nature, that we may learn to 
prize in a still higher degree the dignity which hath come 
unto us, through the grace of our Lord." 

He describes the festival of Pentecost to be a comme- 
moration of the Divine Spirit having been communicated 
to man, as a proof and pledge of his glorification and 
reconciliation to God : " Ten days ago our nature ascend- 
ed to tlie Throne of heaven, and to-day hath the Holy 
Spirit descended unto our nature. Ten days have scarcely- 
elapsed since Christ ascended into heaven, and already 
hath He sent down to us the gift of the Spirit, as a pledge 
of reconciliation; — that none may doubt what Christ 
effected after His ascension; that none may incjuire, if He 


have reconciled us to the Father. Desirous of proving to 
us, that He had propitiated the Father, He straightways 
sent unto us the gift of reconcihation ; for when enemies 
become reconciled and united together, friendly greetings 
and gifts immediately follow the reconciliation. We sent 
up faith, and received the gift of the Spirit ; we offered 
obedience, and received justification." He afterwards 
brings forward proofs of the continued operation of the 
Holy Spirit in the Church : " Were not the Holy Spirit 
present, we could not name Jesus, Lord ; ' for no man 
can say that Jesus is the Lord, but by the Holy Ghost.' 
Were not the Holy Spirit present, we, who believe, could 
not call upon God, nor say, ' Our Father, which art in 
heaven.' For as we cannot call Jesus, Lord ; neither can 
we call God our Father, but by the Holy Ghost. For the 
same x\postle saith : ' because ye are sons, God hath sent 
forth the spirit of His Son into your hearts, crying, Abba, 
Father.' When therefore ye call God, Father, remember, 
that ye have obtained the gift of thus addressing Him, 
through the operation of the Holy Spirit within your 
souls. Were not the Holy Spirit present, the gifts of 
wisdom and of knowledge would not be granted to the 
Church ; ' for to one is given by the Spirit the word of 
wisdom, to another the word of knowledge by the same 
Spirit.' Were not the Holy Spirit present, there would be 
no pastors nor teachers in the Church, ' over the which 
the Holy Ghost hath made you overseers,' Were not the 
Holy Spirit present, the Church would not endure. If, 
therefore, the Church endure, it is a proof that the Holy 
Spirit is preseut." 

He often preached twice in the week, probably on 
Sunday and on the Sabbath, Saturday, — which was in 
many Eastern Churches appointed for the assembling of 
the congregation. He occasionally preached at break of 
day, an hour which was perhaps chosen in consequence of 
the great heat. Bishop Flavian appears to have acknow- 
ledged, and availed himself of the superior attainments of 
Chiysostom. On one occasion, after the Bishop in a few 


preliminary words had addressed his congregation upon a 
subject, which in the polemics of that day frequently came 
under discussion, he permitted him to come forward and 
answer the objections of the heretics, which the congrega- 
tion desired to hear refuted by Chrysostom. At another 
time, in the early morning, when Chrysostom had preach- 
ed a sermon to the catechumens at one of the distant 
Baptisteries, and had afterwards arrived at the mother 
Church; oppressed by fatigue and expecting to hear a dis- 
course from his Bishop ; the latter desired to become the 
auditor of Chrysostom, whom he called upon to preach 
instead of himself, that the wishes of the congregation 
might be accomplished, who were filled with anxiety to 
hear him. The eloquence of Chrysostom soon excited 
general admiration throughout the city, and attracted men 
of all classes to the church. The listeners thronged 
around the pulpit, eager to catch each word that he 
uttered. At times, when he had preached at greater 
length than he had intended, and towards the end of his 
sermon feared to have weared his audience, the tokens of 
applause becoming louder at every moment, gave him 
clearly to understand, that it was their wish still longer to 
receive his instruction; and in that age, when men were 
more accustomed to hear the word expounded by their 
preachers, than to study it in manuscript, a teacher of 
such amazing eloquence, as Chrysostom, — who testified by 
his own holy life, that the doctrines, which he delivered 
with so much power and feeling to others, had a sanctify- 
ing and blessed influence upon himself — was capable of 
producing effects, which, as St. Jerome says, were wont to 
reveal themselves in a zealous performance of all good 
works. Chrysostom wrote some of his sermons with care; 
some he had composed before hand, but altered according 
to circumstances, and others again he delivered unpre- 
pared, availing himself of any event of the moment. We 
find an instance of the latter, when on a winter-day, as he 
bent his steps towards the church, being deeply affected by 
the sight of a number of beggars, lying in a miserable 


state upon the ground, he was moved to commence his 
discourse by the folio wiug address : "I have risen to-day 
to advocate a cause, just, useful, and worthy of you. I have 
been deputed by the mendicants of our city. They have 
called upon me, — not by words, — not by votes, — nor by 
any common resolve ; but by their frightful and wretched 
appearance. For in hastening to this assembly as I 
crossed the forum, and passed through the narrow streets, 
and saw many of them lying in the midst of the ways, of 
whom some were deprived of their hands and eyes, others 
covered with incurable sores, and exposing those places 
especially, which on account of the putrid gore they dis- 
charged. Deeded concealment, I held it to be the most 
cruel insensibility not to appeal to your charity in their 
behalf; and still more, as the season itself demanded it of 
me. It is indeed necessary to exhort men at all seasons 
to have pity upon their brethren, as we ourselves need it 
so much from our merciful Lord, but now especially 
during the severe cold." The second case is exemplified 
by those sermons, in which he instantly perceives and 
takes advantage of the impression made either by his 
words, or by any sudden occurrence in the church ; — thus 
upon remarking, that the attention of his hearers was 
attracted by the lighting of the lamps in the church, he 
exclaimed : " Awake from your inattention ; lay aside your 
sloth ; while I explain to you the Holy Scriptures, ye have 
turned your eyes to the lamps, and to him, by whom they 
are lighted. How great an indifference ! I also kindle for 
you a light, the light of the Holy Scriptures ; upon my 
tongue burneth the light of instruction, a better and 
a greater light, than that upon which ye gaze." It may 
likewise be observed, that he suffered himself in a great 
degree to be impelled by the feeling of the moment, when, 
according to his own confession, the mention of a favourite 
theme exercised such power over his mind, that in the 
remainder of his homily he occupied himself with the 
new subject to the entire exclusion of that with which he 



had commenced ; and on another occasion, when he had 
intended to preach a shorter discourse, — upon observing, 
that notwithstanding the length at which he had spoken, 
the sympathy of his flock, instead of decreasing, con- 
tinued to augment, — he was induced, contrary to his 
original design, still further to enlarge upon the subject. 

In the second year of Chrysostom's ministry an event 
took place which spread confusion and dismay throughout 
Antioch, and at the same time manifested the influence 
which he possessed over his flock. In the year a.d. 387, 
one of those imperial decrees, which frequently in that 
age of despotism oppressed the cities of the Roman em- 
pire, exacted from the Antiochians taxes to all appearance 
impossible to be raised. A general alarm was excited 
and the irritation of the people was increased by the 
severity of the tax-gatherers. Citizens of all classes, from 
the highest to the lowest, hastened to the churches, and 
implored the Almighty for deliverance. They then 
assailed the Imperial governor with complaints and en- 
treaties. No redress being obtained, an insurrection took 
place, which, as Chrysostom and many of his contem- 
poraries maintain, originated in a small number of stran- 
gers, collected together from difl'erent countries, and actu- 
ated by wantonness or a desire of gain. An application to 
the Bishop was frequently made by the citizens in similar 
calamities, and by this means relief was sometimes obtain- 
ed. At first the discontented sought in the church the 
Bishop Flavian, in order probably to procure a diminution 
of the taxes through his representations to the Emperor 
at Constantinople. Not finding him, they threatened to 
storm the house of the governor. Enraged, they hastened 
to the market-place, tore down the statues of the Emperor, 
of the Empress, and of the young Princes, Arcadius and 
Honorius ; and insulted and reviled them with songs. 
The more distinguished citizens, who composed the 
senate, and administered the general government of the 
city, ventured not even to make the attempt of appeasing. 


the rage of the multitude : they themselves had reason to 
fear the anger of the people, and were compelled to seek 
concealment. This superior class found itself in the most 
embarrassing situation. Impoverished and deprived of 
many of their privileges by the tyranny of the government, 
they were called upon to exercise the same authority over 
the city, as in the days of their former prosperity and 
opulence, and even to support greater burthens. The 
people vehemently demanded of them assistance and 
relief, which they were incapable of affording; and the 
Imperial government made them responsible for the insur- 
rection of the people, which they could neither prevent nor 

The incensed populace had already set fire to the house 
of the most distinguished citizen, when a body of soldiers, 
which had been previously expected, arrived and repulsed 
them. The rebellion was in a short time put down. All 
those who were taken in the act of crime, of every sex and 
age, were immediately condemned and executed by order 
of the governor, who dreaded the displeasure of the 
Emperor. But this was not enough : the violent temper 
of Theodosius was well known, and an insurrection, in 
which the busts of the imperial family had been insulted, 
was sufficient in those days to call down ruin upon a 
whole city. Messengers were dispatched to Constanti- 
nople to report the events which had taken place, and to 
demand instructions from the Emperor. Until his final 
decision became known at Antioch, the most painful 
fluctuations of hope and fear prevailed. It behoved the 
preacher of the Gospel to take this changing mood into 
consideration. Chrysostom had frequently reproved the 
frivolous and wicked disposition of those idlers, who spent 
the greatest part of their time in the theatre, and had 
taken the most active part in this insurrection. He had 
often required from the Antiochians not to tolerate that 
sacrilegious feeling, which discovers itself in the profan- 
ation of every thing sacred, and in a brutal indifference 
towards the higher concerns of life. It was remarkable. 


that on the Sunday preceding the insurrection, he had 
more particularly called their attention to this subject in 
a sermon preparatory to the annual fast of Lent, — a time 
especially consecrated to repentance. 

After Chrysostom had held this discourse, a further 
opportunity of working upon the minds of his congregation 
presented itself. Bishop Flavian, notwithstanding his 
advanced age, his infirm state of health, and other circum- 
stances, which might have prevented him, was induced by 
a paternal solicitude towards his flock, to undertake a 
journey to Constantinople for the purpose of making a 
personal application to the Emperor. In the mean time, 
the fast of forty days preceding Easter had commenced, 
which always produced a remarkable change in the lives 
both of the rich and poor, and was wont to give to the whole 
city a different aspect. The public amusements were sus- 
pended, and the people assembled daily in the Church to 
offer up prayers, and hear the divine word. The calamity 
of the times augmented the severity of the fast, and led 
the people to repentance ; and, bereft of human aid, they 
were the more disposed to seek refuge in God. After the 
departure of the Bishop, Chrysostom had, without doubt, 
the chief direction of affairs in the diocese. In the first 
discourse which he held after Flavian's departure, he 
pourtrayed to the people the paternal love of their Bishop : 
" When I behold that vacant throne deserted, and without 
its master, I at the same time both weep and rejoice. I 
weep, because I see not our father present, but I rejoice, 
that he hath undertaken this journey for our preservation, 
and hath departed to snatch from the fury of the Emperor 
so great a multitude. This is to you, an ornament ; to 
him, a crown. An ornament to you, because ye have 
chosen such a father, — a crown to him, because he is 
attached with so much tenderness to his children, and 
hath confirmed by his works the words of Christ. For 
having been taught, that ' the good shepherd giveth His 
life for the sheep,' he departed ready to lay down his life 
for us all. Still there were many obstacles to his depar- 


ture, — many circumstances inducing him to stay ; — his 
advanced age ; his bodily infirmity ; the season of the 
year; the necessity of his presence at the approaching 
festival ; his only sister lying at the point of death. But 
he disregarded alike old age, infirmity of body, the ties of 
consanguinity, the asperity of the season, and the difiicul- 
ties of the journey ; and preferring to everything your 
deliverance, he broke through all these bonds, and as a 
youth the old man hasteneth, borne upon the wings of 
zeal. For if, said he, Christ ' gave Himself for us,' what 
excuse should we have, or what pardon should we deserve, 
were we, to whom He hath committed the care of so great 
a flock, not ready to do and to suffer all things, for the 
salvation of those entrusted to us. For if, said he, the 
patriarch Jacob, when set over cattle, feeding irrational 
sheep, and about to render an account to man, passed 
sleepless nights, and endured heat, frost, and every 
extreme of weather, that none of his flock might perish ; 
much more behoveth it us, who are not set over irrational, 
but spiritual sheep, and are not about to render an 
account of our stewardship to man, but to God, to be 
watchful and to face every danger for the sake of our 
flock. For inasmuch as this flock is better than that 
flock, — men better than brutes, and God higher than 
man ; in the same degree ought we to exhibit a far more 
exceeding diligence and zeal." He then endeavoured to 
inspire them with hope : " God will not overlook such 
great readiness and zeal. He will not permit his servant 
to depart without having accomplished his purpose. I 
know that his appearance will suffice to appease the wrath 
of the pious Emperor. For not the speech alone, but the 
aspect of holy men is full of spiritual grace. Moreover he 
is filled with much wisdom, and experienced in the divine 
laws, he will speak to the Emperor, as Moses spake to 
God: 'Yet now, if thou wilt forgive their sin; — and if 
not, blot me, I pray Thee out of Thy book, which Thou 
hast written.' For holy men are so filled with love, that 


they had rather die with their children, than live without 
them. He will also call the holy festival of Easter to his 
aid ; he will remind him of the season, in which Christ 
remitted the sins of the whole world. He will exhort him 
to imitate his Lord ; he will recall to his memory the 
parable of the ten thousand talents, and the hundred 
pence. I know the fearless sincerity of our father, — he 
will not hesitate to alarm him by this parable and say : 
take heed that thou hear not at the last day : ' ! thou, 
wicked servant, I forgave thee all that debt, because thou 
desiredst Me : shouldest thou not also have had compas- 
sion on thy fellow-servant, even as I had pity on thee?' 
To these words he will add the prayer, which the Emperor 
was taught to offer up by those, who gave him the instruc- 
tion preparatory to Holy Baptism, and taught him to pray, 
and say : ' Forgive us our debts, as we forgive our 
debtors.' He will then shew, that the transgression of the 
city was not general, but proceeded from certain strangers 
and adventurers, who did nothing with reason, but con- 
ducted themselves with audacity and lawlessness ; that it 
would not be just for the folly of a few to raze so great a 
city, and to punish those who have committed no wrong ; 
and that, though all had sinned, they have made sufficient 
atonement, having been consumed by fear so many days, 
expecting each day to die, driven away, fugitives, living 
more miserably than criminals, bearing their blood in 
their hands, and insecure of their lives. Be satisfied, he 
will say, with this punishment, and proceed not further in 
thy wrath. Render the judge above merciful to thee by 
thy mercy towards thy fellow servants. Consider the 
greatness of the city, and that it is not a question of one, 
two, three or ten souls, but of thousands innumerable, of 
the head of the whole world. For this is the city in 
which Christians first assumed their name. Honour 
Christ ; respect that city, in which was first proclaimed to 
men that high and cherished appellation. There was the 
resort of the Apostles; there the dwelling place of the 


just. This is the first instance of sedition against those 
in power, and ;J1 past time testifieth for the manners (if 
this city. Had its inhabitants constantly rebelled, it 
might have been necessary to have condemned them for 
their iniquity. But since in the lapse of time this hath 
only once come to pass, it is evident that the transgres- 
sion hath not arisen from the corruption of the city ; but 
from the lawlessness of those adventurers who, to our mis- 
fortune, audaciously and foolishly entered it. These things 
will the Bishop say ; yea, more than these, and with still 
greater confidence. To these things will the Emperor 
listen. We have a faithful Bishop and a benevolent 
Emperor, — on either side good hope ; but far more than 
the fidelity of the teacher or the humanity of the Emperor, 
do we place our trust in the mercy of God ; for while the 
Emperor is being implored, and the Bishop is imploring, 
God himself will stand between, will soften the heart of 
the Emperor, and animate the speech of the Bishop." He 
then sought to turn their thoughts to God : "I have be- 
held many afilicted and cast down while they exclaimed : 
' The King's wrath is as the roaring of a lion.' What shall 
we say to these men ? That He, Who spake : ' The wolf 
also shall dwell with the lamb, and the leopard shall lie 
down with the kid, and the lion shall eat straw like the 
ox,' will be able to convert this lion into a gentle lamb. 
Let us therefore, call upon God, and He will deliver us 
from all danger. Let us assist our father with our 
prayers. The united prayers of a congregation avail 
much, when they proceed from troubled souls and contrite 
hearts. We are not called upon to cross the sea, or to 
undertake a far journey. Each of us, both man and 
woman, either at home or in the church, may with heart- 
felt fervour invoke the Almighty, and He will surely hear 
our prayers. Wherefore do I know this ? Because it is 
His good pleasure, that we should ever take refuge with 
Him, — ask Him for every thing, — and neither act, nor 
speak without Him. It is the manner of men, that when 
we constantly burthen them with our affairs, they become 


wearied and displeased with us ; — far different is it with 
God. Not when we continually have recourse to Him in 
our concerns, but when we have it not, — then is He most 
incensed. Hear how He accuseth the Jews, saying, 
' Woe to the rebellious children, that take counsel, but 
not of Me ; and that cover with a covering, but not of My 
Spirit.' For this is the way of those who love ; they de- 
sire that the affairs of the beloved one should all be regu- 
lated by them ; that without them they should neither act 
nor speak." 

He pointed out to the Antiochians the great comfort to 
be derived from a communion with the Church, a com- 
munion which the present calamity and fast contributed 
to render peculiarly sincere. He said, " We derive no 
ordinary consolation from the present season ; for we 
daily meet together, and rejoice in hearing the Divine 
Word ; we daily behold each other ; pour forth together 
our sorrows and supplications ; and before we return home 
receive the common blessing. All these things lighten 
our affliction." Again: "the forum is deserted, but the 
church is tilled. That giveth cause for grief; this for 
spiritual gladness. When, therefore, ye come to the 
forum and groan at the sight of its desolation, fly to your 
spiritual mother, and she will straightwise console you 
vllth the multitude of her children ; will discover to you 
the united band of brethren, and dispel your grief. We 
seek for men in the city as in a desert ; but if we take 
refuge in the church we are thronged by the multitude. 
As when the sea is lifted up, and driven by the raging 
storm, terror constraineth those without to fly into the 
harbours, so now the tempest, which hath burst upon our 
city, hurrieth every one from all directions into the 
church, and uniteth its members by the bond of love." 
Again : " Whence could ye derive consolation, if we did 
not console you? The authorities of this world terrify 
you, — the ministers of the Gospel strengthen you ; — the 
Church, our common mother, openeth daily her bosom to 
welcome you as her children." 


Flavian arrived at Constantinople a short time before 
Easter, and the success of his mission was greatly advan- 
ced by the period of his arrival. The Christians, accord- 
ing to ancient usage, celebrated their festivals by acts of 
mercy, especially that of Easter, on account of the great 
event then solemnized. It was even acknowledged by the 
civil code, that during that season mercy ought to prevail. 
About this time the Emperor issued to the provinces an 
edict, in which he commanded, that all prisoners should 
be released in honour of the festival of Easter, and added, 
" Would that I were able to recall the executed? Would 
that I could raise them and restore them to life !" Bishop 
Flavian reminded the Emperor of these words, and they 
made a strong impression upon his mind, as Chrysostom 
had predicted, when he read that edict to his congregation 
for the purpose of consoling them : " Deeply affected, 
Theodosius uttered words, says Chrysostom, which became 
him more than his imperial crown : ' Is it then,' said the 
Emperor, ' wonderful, that we, being men, should remit 
our anger against men who have insulted us ; when the 
Lord of the world. Who descended upon earth, and took 
upon Him for our sake the form of a servant, while cruci- 
fied by those, whose benefactor He had been, prayed to 
His Father for His murderers, saying, ' Forgive them ; 
for they know not what they do ?' Wherefore then are ye 
surprised, that we forgive our fellow- servants ?" Theodo- 
sius wrote a letter to the Antiochians, in which he 
promised to forget their past offences, and Flavian was 
commissioned to carry this letter with diligence to his 
flock, that it might arrive during Easter, and contribute 
to the joy and gratitude with which that festival was cele- 
brated. Chrysostom announced these events to his con- 
gregation in a discourse on Easter-day, a. d. 387, which 
he thus began : — " In the words with which I was wont to 
commence my appeal to your love in the period of danger, 
in the same words I will commence my discourse to-day, 
and say with you, blessed be God ! Who to-day permitteth 
us to celebrate this sacred feast with exceeding joy and 


gladness ; Who hath restored the head to the body, the 
shepherd to his flock, the master to his disciples, the 
leader to his soldiers, the high-priest to his clergy. ' Bles- 
sed be God !' Who doeth exceeding abundantly above all 
that we ask or think." He concluded with the following 
exhortation, in allusion to their conduct upon the arrival 
of a messenger dispatched by Flavian with the welcome 
intelligence to Antioch: "As ye then did, when ye 
crowned the market with wreathes of flowers, kindled the 
lights, extended the carpets before the workshops, and 
celebrated, as it were, the birthday of a city ; — do always, 
but in a different manner: crown not the forum with 
flowers, but crown yourselves with virtue ; kindle the light 
of good works in your souls, and rejoice with spiritual 
gladness. Let us not cease to thank God for the mercy, 
which He hath shewn to us, and let us confess our great 
obligations to Him, not only for having dispelled these 
dreadful calamities, but likewise for having permitted 
them to impend over us ; for by both of these dispensations 
He hath conferred honour upon our city. Declare these 
events to your children with prophetic voice ; let your 
children relate them to their children ; they again to 
another generation; — that all futurity may know the 
mercy shewn by God towards this city ; may deem us 
blessed to have enjoyed beneficence so great ; may venerate 
our Lord, Who hath raised a city thus fallen : and may 
thereby be benefited and excited to piety. For the 
history of these events will not only greatly benefit our- 
selves, if we be constantly mindful of them, but likewise 
those who live after us." 

These important events induced many of the heathens 
at xlntioch to become converts to Christianity. 

The XlXth Homily of St. Chrysostom ad pop. Antioch. 
is in these days worthy of attention, being addressed to 
the presbyters of the distant country parishes, who came 
to the metropolis to celebrate Ascension-day. St. Chrysos- 
tom represents them as simple persons, chosen from 
among the peasantry, deficient in the higher mental 


attainments, and unacquainted with Greek literature and 
accomplishments, although fully capable of propounding 
in plain language the essential doctrines of their faith. 

During the ensuing year Chrysostom appears to have 
been often interrupted in the exercise of his vocation by 
sickness, which had been brought on by his former ascetic 
practices. When, after a second illness, he was sufficient- 
ly recovered to preach again, he began by testifying his 
joy at being enabled to re- appear in the midst of his 
beloved flock, the separation from whom had been more 
painful to him than the disease itself. He then alluded, 
as was often his custom, to the sermons preached during 
the late fast, by which he had induced a part of his con- 
gregation to pass a law among themselves renouncing all 
forms of asseveration, except yea and nay. While he 
praised those who had entered into an agreement strictly 
to fulfil this command of Christ, he at the same time 
added, that they must not suppose, that it was enough to 
comply with this single injunction ; for the observance of 
all the commands of Christ was necessary to form the 
harmony of a Christian life ; and he therefore required of 
them to obey another more difficult law, that of suppres- 
sing anger and revenge, and of forgiving injuries, in sup- 
port of which exhortation he explained and applied the 
parable of the ten talents. 

It is evident from this that he did not see any objection 
to the formation of societies, to enable their members to 
observe with greater strictness particular duties. 

When St. Chrysostom entered upon his ministry at 
Antioch, there existed a schism in the Church, which had 
been maintained above twenty years in all the rage of 
party spirit. Independent of the larger portion of the 
community, which looked up to Meletius as their Bishop, 
a separate congregation had grown up, which had never 
been brought to acknowledge that worthy man, because he 
had been appointed to his high office by the influence of 
Arians, although his opinions conformed so little to those 
of Alius, that he was shortly after his installation, exiled 


on account of bis opposition to those doctrines. When 
Meletius died, a. d. 381, while the council of Constanti- 
nople was being held, the schism might easily have been 
healed, had it not been arranged according to the 
demands of Gregory Nazianzen, and agreeably to the 
decision of a former treaty ratified by oaths, that no other 
Bishop should be associated with the aged Paulinus. In 
that case, after the death of Paulinus, — which could not 
have been very distant — the schism would of itself have 
subsided. But the arrogant self-will of the Orientalists 
permitted not this arrangement; and by the choice of 
Flavian in the room of Meletius, the schism was handed 
down to succeeding ages. This schism had been accom- 
panied by the injurious consequences ever attendant upon 
such divisions. Those very persons, who distinguished 
themselves by a more than ordinary interest in the con- 
cerns of religion and the Church, were led, from a mis- 
taken sympathy to engage the most ardently in the cause 
of one or other of the contending parties ; and they, who 
could have effected so much for their own salvation and 
that of others, had their zeal been properly directed, 
forgot that the true spirit of Christianity is that of 
humility and love. On this point Chrysostom thus expres- 
ses himself: " Of those who form our Church, some never 
come hither, or once only in the year ; and then they de- 
mean themselves carelessly, and are devoid of godly fear. 
Others come more frequently, but they likewise behave 
themselves irreverently, talking hghtly and jesting about 
trifles. They, however, who seem zealous and in earnest, 
are the workers of this mischief." He was compelled par- 
ticularly to censure the women, who took a vehement part 
in those factious disputes, and against them his admoni- 
tory discourses were chiefly directed. 

Besides this little party, separated from the mother 
church, more through accidental circumstances than by 
any essential difference of doctrine, there were scattered 
throughout the city of Antioch members of other sects, 
dissenting from the Church in important points. As they 


contended with the other Christians upon certain dogmas, 
and endeavoured to promulgate their own opinions, Chrj- 
sostom considered it to be his duty, by thoroughly refuting 
their errors, to guard his congregation against these 
attacks, and at the same time to instruct them in the 
means of refuting the sectarians in their own discussions 
with them. He hoped likewise to turn many from their 
mistaken views, as both heathens and heretics attended 
his sermons, either attracted by his eloquence, or desirous 
of hearing his allegations against them. In order to 
obtain a hearing among the unlearned, the heretics com- 
monly pretended, that, differing from the Church in no 
essential points, they equally believed in Christ, and 
equally preached His religion. They appealed to the words 
of St. Paul: "What then? notwithstanding everyway, 
whether in pretence or in truth, Christ is preached." 
Chrysostom in order to preserve his flock from indiffer- 
ence, endeavoured to prove, in a homily upon this passage, 
that it had been perverted to an end entirely foreign to its 
real signification. He first asserted that St. Paul spoke not 
here of what ought to occur, but of what was occuning. 
Then, that St. Paul alluded not to those, who under the 
name of Christ, promulgated a false religion ; but to those 
who delivered the true doctrine from imj)ure motives, and 
not from sincere conviction. Against this perversion of 
the doctrine of St. Paul, he shews from passages such as 
Gal. i. 8, and II Cor. xi. 2, 3, that St. Paul attached 
great importance to purity of doctrine, and considered as 
deeply injurious the errors which seduced men from the 
true faith. 

Among the peasantry, and in the smaller towns of 
Syria, the Manicheans and Gnostics had always main- 
tained themselves, but few of them appear to have resided 
at Antioch, — at all events, their influence was slight in 
that great metropolis. Chrysostom, therefore, merely 
noticed their doctrines incidentally in his sermons, when 
he defended the free-will of man against their views of 



predestination and fatality; or when he sought to prove, 
in opposition to their tenets, that the body in itself is not 
the cause of evil, and that neither the body, nor aught 
that is external, can compel men to sin. 

The Eunomians were a sect of far greater importance 
at Antioch. They were transplanted thither at an early 
period, and combatted the doctrine of the true divinity of 
Christ, — that the Son was of the same substance with the 
Father; and it appears, that their chief leaders, CEtius and 
Eunomius, had formerly preached in that city. Soon 
after he had entered upon his ministry, St. Chrysostom felt 
himself compelled to defend in his discourses this impor- 
tant doctrine against the objections disseminated by 
members of this sect among his congregation. But for 
some time he purposely refrained from attacking them, 
because he observed, that many of their party frequented 
the church for the sake of hearing him, and he was desir- 
ous not to scare them away, trusting, that, if he could 
obtain their confidence, his instruction might win a more 
easy access to their hearts. He was successful in the 
attainment of his object, being iu the first years of his 
ministry called upon by the sectarians themselves to state 
the opinions he held in opposition to their tenets. 

Equally cogent were his arguments against the Proto- 
paschites, the Jews, and the Heathens. Many of the 
Christians observed, with uneasiness, that some of the 
heathens led a life consistent with the ordinary demands 
of morality, but that, nevertheless, they continued in hea- 
thenism. If there were, among the Christians, those to 
whom the true requisites of holiness were unknown, the 
idea obtruded itself upon them, that without being Chris- 
tians, they might lead a good life and attain to eternal 
happiness. In allusion to those, who became thus trou- 
bled at beholding a heathen mild, virtuous, and benevo- 
lent, remain unconverted, Chrysostom observed : " He 
hath perhaps another disease of the soul, vanity, or sloth ; 
'he provideth not for his salvation, but thinketh that 


chance will guide all things to his advantage." Again : 
** Tell me not of those who are bj nature modest and 
discreet; for theirs is not holiness. But name to me 
those who have to struggle with vehement passions, yet 
possess the power of controlling them. Tell me not, that 
a man leadeth a sober life, and defraudeth no one of his 
property : this alone is not holiness ; for of what avail is 
it, if a man do these things, and yet be the slave of vain 
glory ? or continue in heathenism, because he is ashamed 
to desert his friends ? This is not living righteously. 
The slave of ambition is not less wicked than the for- 

In those days the Church did not enjoin as necessary 
auricular confession previous to the celebration of the 
Holy Communion, nor indeed at any other time. When 
Chrysostom exhorts his flock to a confession of their sins, 
he means the silent confession of the heart before God. 
Since therefore no confession preceded the Lord's Supper, 
the liturgy of the communion service w^as so ordered, as 
to excite men to self-examination, and to deter those from 
approaching the altar, who, on account of their evil lives, 
merited exclusion from the congregation. AVith this view, 
Chrysostom thus availed himself of the short, but impor- 
tant demands of this liturgy : '• Hear ye not the words of 
the deacon, during the celebration of the holy communion, 
who constantly calleth out : Knoiv one another. Doth he 
not entrust to you the strict examination of your 
brethren?" That no one might plead as an excuse his 
ignorance of the danger connected with an unworthy par- 
ticipation of the supper of the Lord, and since no man can 
look into the heart of another, the priest, says Chrysostom, 
requires all those to retire, whose consciences admonish 
them of their own unworthiness ; "for standing aloft, 
seen by all, and raising his hand, he calleth in that 
moment of awful stillness with a loud and solemn voice : 
' Holy things for the holy.' " 

At the same time, that he exhorted men to repentance, 
he warned them against the delusion of those, who con- 


sidered atonement for sin to consist in certain mortifica- 
tions of the flesh, and other outward performances, an 
error which, he says, was particularly prevalent among the 
women, and, as he had done in two writings already cited, 
he called attention to that Christian repentance, which 
sprung from the heart. Thus he says : " Let us not then 
despair on account of our sins, neither let us become 
slothful ; but while we acknowledge our sins, let our 
hearts be contrite, and let not our repentance consist in 
mere words. For I know many who profess to grieve for 
their sins, and yet give no real proof of their repentance. 
They fast indeed and wear sackcloth, but are more greedy 
after gain than hucksters ; are more a prey to anger than 
wild beasts ; and delight more to speak evil of their 
neighbour, than others do to speak good of their neigh- 
bour. This is a mere mask, a shadow of repentance ; it 
is not repentance. In such cases it were well to say, take 
heed, ' lest Satan should get an advantage of us, for we 
are not ignorant of his devices.' Some he destroy eth 
through their sins, others he bringeth to perdition through 
their repentance, by suffering them to gather thence no 
fruit. For those whom he cannot ruin in a common way, 
he inciteth to greater exertions, that he may render their 
repentance unfruitful, by persuading them, that they have 
made full atonement for their sins, and may therefore rest 
in security. If we fast, and are thereby filled with arro- 
gance, our fasting will prove to us an injury, not a benefit. 
Humble therefore thine heart, that God may be near to 
thee ; for ' the Lord is nigh unto them that are of a con- 
trite heart.' If thou have committed sin, lament not, 
because thou hast incurred punishment, for that is 
nothing ; but because thou hast offended the Lord, who is 
so merciful, so good to thee, and so solicitous for thy salva- 
tion, that He hath given up His only Son unto death for 
thy sake. Lament therefore unceasingly; for thus to 
lament, is truly to confess thy sins." 

!Neander observes that Chrysostom, anxious to withdraw 
from man every prop of immorality, opposed the placing of 


any confidence in the intercession of the saints, hecause 
many were thereby lulled into a state of security and 
indolence ; and were restrained from drawing out of the 
one fountain of all good, and from applying in the con- 
cerns of their souls to the one Eternal Mediator. It is 
true, that Chrysoslom did not reject the imploring of the 
intercessions of the saints, which custom was beginning to 
prevail at that time throughout the Church ; but he 
always directed men from the saints, as the mere instru- 
ments of divine grace, to God and Christ. 

In the year 397 Nectarius, Bishop of Constantinople, 
died. Some time was passed in deliberating in the choice 
of his successor ; several were proposed, and some priests 
offered themselves, offering presents, and even falling on 
their knees before the people, who were so scandalized at 
it, that they besought the Emperor to look out for some 
one worthy of the sacerdotal office. The eunuch, Eutro- 
pius, who governed the Emperor Arcadius, had been 
acquainted with the virtues and talents of Chrysostom, in 
a journey he had made to the East; and at his recom- 
mendation Chrysostom was elected Bishop of Constan- 
tinople, by the unanimous consent of the people and 
clergy, and with the approbation of the Emperor. But it 
was so notorious how well he was beloved at Antioch, where 
he had officiated as priest for twelve years, and how ready 
the people of that city were to raise commotions, that 
Eutropius caused the Emperor to write to Asterius, 
Count of the East, with orders to send him away without 
noise. The count having received the Emperor's letter, 
desired Chrysostom to meet him, on pretence of some 
business, at a church near the Roman gate. Here taking 
him into his chariot, he drove with speed to a place called 
Bagras, where he placed him in the hands of an eunuch 
and an officer sent to conduct him to Constantinople. 

St. Chrysostom found in Constantinople all the vices of 
Asia concentrated, and, determining to efiect a reforma- 
tion, he commenced with his own household. He sold 


the sumptuous furniture and rich vessels with which his 
predecessor had dazzled the public eye ; and thinking 
to maintain the dignity of the episcopate, not by his 
splendid equipages, but by his active benevolence, he 
established hospitals, and devoted his whole income to 
charitable purposes. But while he obtained from the 
poor the glorious title of John of Almsdeeds, he offended 
the worldly, who respect while they murmur at the mag- 
nificence of their prelate. At the same time it appears 
from Socrates that his temper was not always under con- 
trol, and that his manners were far from conciliatory. In 
the church and in the pulpit he was unequaled : but he 
was perhaps better adapted to be the preaching presbyter 
of Antioch, than to be the representative of the democratic 
interest at Constantinople. The remains of the demo- 
cracy of the old Roman empire were found in the Church, 
where and where only the cause of the plebeian and the 
poor was fearlessly maintained, against an aristocracy of 
wealth as well as birth. It was through the Church that the 
progress of a grinding despotism was checked ; and to put 
down the power of the Church was the great object of the 
temporal authorities. St. Chrysostom weakened the worldly 
power of the Church by doing his duty as a man of God. 
His attempt to reform the clergy alienated from him all who 
preferred sentiment to self-denial, and who viewed holy 
orders with merely professional views. And ecclesiastics, 
to indulge their animosity against their bishop, were 
willing to unite with the civil authorities to depose him, 
while the faction found a powerful leader in the Alexan- 
drian patriarch, whose feelings of jealousy had long been 
excited against Chrysostom, and who, probably, regarded 
with equal jealousy the powers and authority conceded to 
the Patriarch of Constantinople. The aristocratic party, 
thus strengthened by a division among the ecclesiastics, 
were able to degrade for the first time the episcopal 
authority at Constantinople, and though their triumph 
was -not completed by the fall of St. Chrysostom, an 


advantage was gained, which was brought ere long to a 
successful issue. 

St. Chrysostom, hke all the bishops of that age, regarded 
the Church as the protector of the oppressed as well as the 
poor. It had powder, and that power was exerted to pro- 
tect men against the tyranny of the dominant aristocracy, 
and even the great men of the empire when injured 
sought the protection of that very body which, when in 
power, they sought to afflict. This accounts for St. Chry- 
sostom's conduct to Eutropius. When disgraced Eutropius 
sought sanctuary in the church, St. Chrysostom, as the 
great ecclesiastical authority of Constantinople, uuintimi- 
dated by threats, extended to hira his protection. The 
privilege of the ecclesiastical state was to be maintained ; 
but St. Chrysostom had a duty also as bishop to perform, 
and therefore to the criminal he addressed himself in the 
severest terms. 

" Where now," he says, addressing himself to Eutro- 
pius, " are your cup-bearers ? your attendants who made 
way for you in the streets, and who flattered you ? They 
are fled, they have renounced your friendship, they seek 
their own safety by your ruin. We do not act thus ; the 
Church, to whom you have offered violence, opens her 
bosom to receive you ; and the theatres, which you have 
supported at so vast an expense, which have so often been 
the cause of your indignation agaiust us, have betrayed 
you. I say not this to insult over him that is fallen, but 
to strengthen those that yet stand." He adds further, 
speaking of Eutropius : " Yesterday, when they came from 
the palace to force him hence he ran to the sacred vessels, 
pale as death, trembling all over, with chattering teeth 
and stammering tongue." Then reconnmending him to 
their compassion, he adds: "You will say, 'He hath 
shut the doors of this sanctuary by divers laws ;' but 
experience hath taught him what mischief he hath done ; 
he himself is the first that hath broken the law, and his 
disgrace is become a warning to all. The altar now 
appears more terrible, for it holdeth the lion chained ; 


like the image of our Prince, treading under foot the 
vanquished and captive barbarians." He goes on : " Have 
I soothed you f passion ? Have I assuaged your anger? 
Have I extinguished your cruelty? Have I raised your 
compassion ? Yes, your looks, these torrents of tears 
declare it. Come then, let us throw ourselves at the feet 
of the Emperor; or rather, let us beseech the God of 
mercy, to inspire his heart with pity, that he may grant 
us the favour we ask in full. He is already changed; as 
soon as he lieard that Eutropius had fled for refuge to 
this holy place, he harangued at length his court and 
troops, who strove to exasperate him against the criminal, 
and were clamorous for his death. The Emperor shed 
tears, and made mention of the holy table, whither he 
had fled for safety, and thus did he appease their rage. 
After this, what mercy can you deserve, if you retain 
yours ? How will you approach the mysteries, and say 
the prayer in which we entreat forgiveness even as we 
forgive ? Let us rather pray to the God of mercy to 
deliver this unhappy man from death, and grant him time 
to put away his crimes ;" St. Chrysostom refers here to 
holy baptism, for Eutropius was a pagan. 

This discourse had the desired effect; and St. Chry- 
sostom saved the life of Eutropius, but not without 
difficulty, and some blows. The people came to the church 
in arms, drew their swords, and brought the holy Bishop 
to the palace, where he was charged with the discourse 
which he had made as with a crime, and threatened with 
death. He was unmoved, nor vrould he deliver up 
Eutropius, thus proving, as he says, tlie invincible power 
of the Church, founded upon the Rock : the Church, he 
adds, which consists not in a building, walls, and roofs ; 
but in its morality and laws. 

St. Chrysostom thus did his duty, and was saving the 
people from themselves. They only saw in Eutropius, 
the representative of an oppressive aristocracy, although 
his had been only the aristocracy of wealth, and having 
their oppressor in their power they sought to take ven- 


geance upon him, not seeing that by the protection that 
was extended to him, St. Chrysostom was upholding that 
power through which alone their own rights and liberties 
could be maintained. 

In his office of preacher he was still as successful as 
at Antioch. He was an advocate for an evening service. 
He exhorted the people to be constant at the church 
service of the night, that is, the men who had not leisure 
in the day-time ; for as to women, he would have 
them stay at home, ond only come to church in the 
day-time. " It is necessary," says he, " to remember 
God at all times ; but especially when the mind is at rest, 
that is, in the night season ; for by day we are interrupted 
by other affairs." And in another place : " It was not 
intended that we should spend the whole night in sleep 
and inactivity. This appears by the practice of handi- 
craftsmen, drivers, and merchants ; so also by those of 
the Church, who rise at midnight. Do you rise likewise, 
and behold the beantifal order of the stars, that profound 
silence, that universal repose. The soul is then more 
pure, more free, and more elevated ; darkness and silence 
excite compunction ; and all men being stretched upon 
their beds, as in their graves,' represent the end of the 
world. I speak both to men and women ; bend your 
knees, sigh and pray; if you have children, wake them 
also ; and let your house be like a church in the night- 
season. If they have not strength to bear watching, let 
them say a prayer or two, in order to accustom them to 
rise, and then lie down again." These exhortations gave 
' offence to the slothful among the clerks, who were wont to 
spend the whole night in sleep. 

Chrysostom laboured also to abate the pride of the 
rich, and to teach them humility and moderation. "What 
reason have you," said he, "to set so great a value on 
yourselves, and to think you do us a favour, when you 
come to this place, to hear what conduces to your salvation? 
Is it your wealth ? Your robes of silk ? Know ye not, 
that they are spun by worms, and wrought by the hands 


of barbarians ? That they are worn by abandoned women, 
robbers, the sacrilegious, and by others of character most 
infamous ? Descend from this haughtiuess ; reflect upon 
the vileness of your nature ; what are ye but earth, dust, 
ashes, and vapour? You have, indeed, many men under 
your command, but yourselves are slaves to your own pas- 
sions. You resemble the man who suffers himself to be 
beaten by his servants at home, and boasts of his power 

His exhortations had so good an effect, that the whole 
city of Constantinople daily made a visible progress in 
piety. Even those who had been passionately fond of the 
horse-race, and the other public shows, forsook the circus 
and the theatre, and came in crowds to the church. We 
find also very powerful discourses delivered at Constanti- 
nople against these abuses. It was in this city that he 
expounded, among others, the Epistles to the Ephesians, 
to the Colossians, and to the Hebrews, and the Acts of 
the Apostles. He preached three times a- week ; and some- 
times seven days successively. The crowd was so great at 
his sermons, that, to place himself where he might be 
heard, he was obliged to quit his usual station, and sit in 
the middle of the church, in the reader's desk. Some 
came to hear him out of curiosity ; but many became con- 
verts, as well pagans as heretics. 

St. Chrysostom did not confine his anxious care to his 
own Church of Constantinople, but extended it to all the 
rest. He reformed the Churches of the six provinces of 
Thrace, the eleven provinces of Asia, and the eleven pro- 
vinces of Pontus, in all twenty-eight. He applied himself 
likewise to missionary labour, and especially to the conver- 
sion of the Scythians. 

Thus did he gain more and more the affection of the 
people by his courage, his piety, and his eloquence, while 
at the same time he became more odious to the great, and 
a section of his clergy. He came again into collision with 
the court, where the Emperor wished to conciliate the bar* 


barian and Arian Gaines, by granting to him a place of 
worship within the city ; St. Chrysostom refused. 

The Arians indeed were very numerous at Constanti- 
nople, and as they were obliged to hold their assemblies 
without the city, they met within the walls near the 
public porticoes to go out together, on the solemn days of 
every week, that is, on Saturday and Sunday. They sang, 
in two choirs, hymns in accordance with their doctrine ; 
and after having spent the greater part of the night in this 
manner, they went out in the morning, and crossed the 
city to repair to their place of assembly. In these 
hymns they endeavoured to incense the Catholics, by 
saying ; " Where are those who affirm that three things 
are but one power ?" St. Chrysostom, fearing lest they 
should shake the faith of some of the simple, procured 
some Catholics also to sing during the night. The success 
did not answer his good intention. The Catholics per- 
formed their nocturnal prayers with more display than the 
Arians ; they carried silver crosses surmounted with waxen 
torches, the invention of St. Chrysostom, and provided at 
the expense of the Empress Eudoxia. The Arians, still 
insolent from the power they once enjoyed, could not 
endure this ; they fell one night upon the Catholics with 
such fury, that an eunuch belonging to the Empress, 
called Brisco, who was singing with the rest, was wounded 
in the forehead with a stone, and some private persons 
were slain on both sides. This occasioned the Emperor 
to forbid the Arians to sing any more in public, thus re- 
newing the prohibition made under the pontificate of 
Nectarius, in 396, which forbade their assembling in 
the city to perform litanies or prayers night or day. All 
which increased the affection of the people for St. Chrysos- 
tom, and at the same time procured him enemies. 

In the year 400 St. Chrysostom had received a decree 
from the clergy of Ephesus, and the neighbouring Bishops, 
most solemnly conjuring him, to come and reform that 
Church, which had long been afHicted by Arians and bad 
Catholics : and to arrest the cabals of those who were 


endeavouring by money to got possession of the vacant 
see. St. Chrysostom, seeing that the question was really 
the restoration of discipline throughout the whole diocese 
of Asia, whore it had fallen into decay, as much through 
the want of pastors as their ignorance, resolved to under- 
take the journey, notwithstanding his ill health, and the 
severity of the winter. He left the Church of Constan- 
tinople to the care of Severian, Bishop of Gabala, in 
Syria, who had coine to preach there, and in whom he 
placed full confidence ; and took three bishops to accom- 
pany him, Paul, Syrian, and Palladius. 

During his absence the faction which had been formed 
against him gained strength, and a correspondence had 
been established with Theophilus of Alexandria. An 
accusation had been lodged against Theophilus before 
Chrysostom, therefore he had a plea for coming to 
Canstantinople in addition to the imperial command. 
At length he came, bringing with him a great number of 
bishops, who came from I'^gypt, and even from India. He 
arrived on Thursday about noon, and was immediately 
received with loud acclamations by the J^^gyptian mariners, 
who had come with corn to Constantinople. Having 
landed, he passed by the church, without entering it 
as was usual, and lodged without the city in one of 
the Emperor's houses, called Placidiana. Chrysostom 
had provided lodgings for him and all his retinue, and 
earnestly })resscd them to come to his house, all which 
they refused ; and Theophilus would neither see him, 
speak to him, pray with him, nor give him any other 
mark of communion. Such was his behaviour during 
the three weeks he stayed at Constantinople. He never 
came near the church, though St. Chrysostom continually 
pressed him to go there, to see him, or at least to let 
him know the reason why he had thus declared war 
against him, from the very moment of his entrance 
into the city, and thus caused so much scandal to the 
people. Theophilus, however, would never return him 
any answer. 


His accusers, that is, the monks whom he had driven 
out of Egypt, urged St. Chrysostom to do them justice ; 
and the Emperor, having sent for him, ordered him to 
cross the bay, on the other side of which Theophilus 
lodged, and hear his cause. He was accused of violence, 
murder, and several other crimes. But St. Chrysostom 
refused to take cognizance of it, partly out of regard 
to Theophilus, but more out of respect to the canons, 
which forbade Bishops to judge any cause beyond the 
limits of their own province, and upon which Theophilus 
himself insisted in the letters, which St. Chrysostom kept 
by him. 

In the mean time, Theophilus laboured day and night 
for the means of driving St. Chrysostom from his see. He 
found many persons at Constantinople full of resentment 
against him. Acacius, Bishop of Berrhjjea, who had 
arrived there some time before, being dissatisfied with the 
lodging prepared for him, regarded it as a slight put ui)on 
him by St. Chrysostom ; and transported with rage, said 
to some of the clergy of St. Chrysostom : " I will dress 
him a dainty dish." He entered into a strict friendship 
with Severian of Gabala, Antiochus of Ptolemais, and a 
Syrian Abbot called Isaac, who made a practice of travel- 
ling from place to place, and calumniating the Bishops. 
The first thing they did was to send to Antioch, to enquire 
into the behaviour of St. Chrysostom in his youth ; and 
finding nothing for their purpose, they sent to Alexandria 
to Theophilus, who from that time carefully sought some 
pretence for accusing him. 

In the city of Constantinople itself, Theophilus met 
with several who were enemies to St. Chrysostom, namely, 
such of liis clergy as were unwilling to submit to the dis- 
cipline he would have introduced among them ; and in 
particular two priests and five deacons ; two or three per- 
sons belonging to the Emperor's court, who procured 
soldiers for Theophilus, to assist him in any violent mea- 
sures ; and three widows of the first rank, Marsa, widow of 



Promotus, Castricia, widow of Saturninus, both consular 
men, and Eugraphia, whose husband is not known. 
St. Chrysostom was in the habit of reproving them, 
because, though now grown old, they continued to adorn 
themselves, and wore artificial hair. The Bishops of Asia, 
who had been deposed, were not backward in their resent- 
ment. Theophilus was very careful to foment these 
animosities. He was profuse in distributing his money, 
entertained great numbers of guests, and caressed and 
flattered the ambition of the ecclesiastics, by promising 
them the highest dignities. He found two deacons whom 
St. Chrysostom had expelled the Church for their crimes ; 
one for murder, and the other for adultery. He promised 
to restore them to their former station ; which he accord- 
ingly did after the banishment of St. Chrysostom. On 
this assurance he prevailed on them to present petitions 
to him, which he had drawn up himself, and were false 
in every article except one, which was this : they accused 
the Bishop, St. Chrysostom, of advising every body to take, 
after the Communion, some water and some pastils, lest 
they should cast out with their spittle some part of the 
elements, and of doing so himself. Theophilus, having 
received this petition, went to the house of Eugraphia 
with Severian, Antiochus, Acacius, and the rest of the 
enemies of Chrysostom. Being all assembled, they con- 
sidered how they should begin to proceed against him. 
One of them proposed the presentation of a petition to the 
Emperor, to oblige St. Chrysostom to come to their assem- 
bly. This advice was put into execution, and money was 
not wanting to remove the difficulties that attended it. 
It is even said that the Empress Eudoxia was personally 
offended with Chrysostom, who, on hearing that she had 
incensed St. Epiphanius against him, had, following the 
natural heat of his temper, delivered a discourse against 
women in 'general, which the people applied to the 
Empress. She, being informed of it by some ill-disposed 
persons, had complained to the Emperor, and had urged 


Theophilus to assemble immediately a council against 

A suburb of Chalcedon called the Oak, of which 
Cyrinus was Bishop, was the place chosen for holding 
this council. Cyrinus was an Egyptian by birth, and an 
enemy of St. Chrysostom. When Theophilus with the 
Bishops in his retinue passed through Chalcedon in their 
way to Constantinople, Cyrinus expressed himself with 
great resentment against St. Chrysostom, calling him im- 
pious, insolent, and inexorable, at which the other Bishops 
were much pleased. He was, however, unable to go with 
them to Constantinople, because Maruthas, Bishop of 
Mesopotamia, had hurt him by accidentally treading on 
his foot. But as Theophilus believed Cyrinus' presence 
necessary in a council where St. Chrysostom was to be 
accused, he resolved to hold it in his city ; as he was be- 
sides apprehensive of the people of Constantinople, who 
were much attached to their Bishop. The place, then, 
where the council assembled, was the suburb of the Oak, 
where Ruffinus had built a palace, together with a church 
dedicated to the Apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, and a 

The charges brought against St. Chrysostom were either 
so frivolous, or so notoriously false, that this siugle fact 
was sufficient to shew that the members of the council 
only sought a pretext for pronouncing sentence upon one 
already condemned. Among other charges brought against 
him, one was that he had ordained priests in his own 
domestic chapel instead of the cathedral ; another that he 
had given the Holy Communion to persons who were not 
fasting. It would be neither edifying nor interesting to 
give in detail the history of these proceedings. It will be 
sufficient to state that St. Chrysostom refused to obey the 
summons of the council, until his avowed enemies ceased 
to act as his judges ; and that he was therefore sentenced 
to exile for contumacy and a contempt of the Emperor s 

The next question was, how to put the sentence into 


execution, a revolt being anticipated on the part of the 
people if they saw their Bishop, the fearless protector of 
the people's rights, and the redresser of their wrongs going 
into exile. His persecutors therefore endeavoured to put 
him on board a vessel, ready to receive him, by night ; 
but not all their precautions could prevent the intelligence 
from spreading through the city, and carrying grief and 
consternation along with it. The people ran down to the 
beach, demanding with cries his restoration to them, some 
exclaiming with all the enthusiasm of the Greek character : 
Rather let the sun be blotted from the firmament than the 
mouth of John (Chrysostom) be silenced ! others, with tears, 
entreating his parting benediction. The lamenting crowd 
was like a long funeral train, or some dismal ceremony of 
expiatory penance. In proportion as the people were con- 
scious of their degradation as a people, they had attached 
themselves to this great man, as the defender of their 
natural rights : his austere and simple mode of life made 
him appear sacred in their eyes ; and in the sincerity of 
his language, which applied its censures with still more 
rigour to the rich than to the poor, they found a security 
for the firmness of his character, alike inaccessible to flat- 
tery or to fear. 

Two or three days after the departure of Chrysostom 
from Constantinople, the shock of an earthquake was felt 
throughout the city. The people, not yet recovered from 
their grief at his loss, loudly proclaimed that it was a sign 
of the displeasure of Heaven against them, for having 
suffered him to be taken from them. The clamours in- 
creased. Arcadius shook with fear ; the Empress, more 
courageous and quick- sighted, said to him, " We shall no 
longer retain the empire, if we do not recall John." She 
wrote the same night to Chrysostom, inviting him, in the 
most courteous terms, to return, and throwing all the 
blame of his departure upon his enemies, whose machina- 
tions she now affected to see through and deplore. The 
Bosphorus was covered with vessels to welcome him back 
again. As soon as he landed, he requested to be allowed 


to remain in the outskirts of the city, and not resume the 
episcopal office, until he should have been acquitted of the 
charges brought against him, by a more numerous council 
than that which had condemned him ; but the feelings of 
the people were not to be controlled. Thousands ranged 
themselves around him with lighted tapers, and, with 
spontaneous hymns, and amid an out-burst of holy joy, 
conducted him to his church, and insisted upon his 
ascending his throne, giving them the benediction, and 
addressing them. 

Scarcely however, had St. Chrysostom enjoyed a calm of 
two months since his return, when a statue was set up at 
Constantinople in honour of the Empress Eudoxia. It 
was of solid silver, and raised on a column of porphyry, 
with a lofty base, in the square situated between the 
palace where the Senate was held, and the church of 
St Sophia which was opposite this palace, and separated 
from it by the square, and by a street that went across it. 
It was erected under the Consulate of Theodosius the 
younger, and Rumoridus, that is, in the year 408, proba- 
bly in the month of September, when the first indiction 
began. At the dedication of this statue, great rejoicings 
were made, as was customary. These were very solemn 
exercises, and still tinged with superstition, as appears by 
a law of Theodosius the younger, made twenty-two years 
after, to purge them from every thing that might appear 
idolatrous in them. On the erection of this statue of 
Eudoxia, the Praefect of Constantinople, who was a Mani- 
chee, and half heathen, encouraged the people to extra- 
ordinary rejoicings. They celebrated it with dances and 
shows of farce-players, which drew such loud applauses 
and acclamations, that Divine Service w^as interrupted. 

But St. Chrysostom, unable to bear these improprieties, 
spoke with his usual freedom, and blamed not only those 
who actually took part in them, but even those who had 
ordered them. The Empress was offended at it, and 
resolved once more to assemble a council against St. Chry- 


sostom; but he continued firm and resolute, and, it is 
said, pronounced upon this occasion a celebrated dis- 
course, which began as follows ; " Herodias is again 
furious, and again demands the head of John." There is 
still extant a speech which begins with these words, and 
is an invective against women ; but the general opinion is, 
that St. Chrjsostom is not the author. Be this as it may 
it is certain that a new conspiracy was formed against 

The decision of the Council of the Oak had not been 
formally reversed, and his re-assumption of his pastoral 
duties might, according to a decree of the Council of 
Antioch, with respect to such cases be considered as irre- 
gular. In the hope of rendering him liable a second 
time to censures on this account, the Bishops of Greece 
and of the East convened themselves again at Constan- 
tinople, to debate on the measures to be pursued respect- 
ing him. Lent being come, this faction had a private 
audience with the Emperor, and gave him to understand 
that John was convicted, and that he ought to give orders 
for his banishment before Easter. The Emperor Arca- 
dius not being able to refuse them, ordered St. Chrysostom 
to quit the Church. He answered ; " I received this 
church from God, for the salvation of the people, and I 
may not abandon it ; but as the city is yours, if you are 
resolved upon my going, drive me out by force, that I may 
have a lawful excuse." Officers were therefore sent from 
the palace, but not without some feeling of shame, for this 
purpose ; with orders, however, for him to continue in the 
episcopal residence. " They waited," says Palladius, '• to 
see whether Divine vengeance would display itself, that 
they might have the means of restoring him to his church 
in the one case, or, on the other, of renewing their ill 

On Easter Eve he was again commanded to leave the 
church, to which he made a suitable reply. The Emperor 
fearing both the holiness of the day, and the risk of a 


tumult in the city, seiit for Acacius and Antiochus, and 
asked them: "What must be done? Take care," he 
added, " that you have not given me ill advice." They 
boldly answered ; "On our heads, my Liege, be the 
deposition of John." 

Still there was delay in the execution of the sentence 
from fear of the people, and some attempts were made to 
assassinate St. Chrysostom. Five days after Whitsuntide 
which, in the year 404, fell on the fifth of June, Acacius, 
Severian, Antiochus, and Cyrinus, went to the Emperor, 
and said to him : " You may do your pleasure ; but we 
have said to you, on our heads be the deposition of John ; 
you ought not to ruin us all for the preservation of a 
single individual." The Emperor sent Patricius the 
notary, to give orders to St. Chrysostom to recommend 
himself to God, and leave the church. After so express a 
command, St. Chrysostom came down from the episcopal 
residence, with the Bishops his friends, and said to them, 
" Come, let us pray, and bid farew-ell to the angel of this 
church." Immediately a person of great power, and one 
that feared God, and sided with the better party, gave 
him the following information : " Lucius, to whose insolent 
behaviour you are no stranger, lies now ready in a public 
bath, with the soldiers under his command, to carry you off 
by force, in case you resist, or hesitate to obey. The city 
is in great confusion ; go therefore out of it as speedily 
and as privately as possible, for fear the people should 
come to blows with the soldiers." On this St. Chrysostom, 
(too much affected to take leave of all,) bade farewell to 
several of the Bishops, saluting them with a kiss accom- 
panied with tears, and said to the others who were in 
the sanctuary, " Stay here ; I am going to take some 

Accordingly he w^ent into the baptistery and called 
Olympias, (who never left the church,) with Pentadia and 
Procula, deaconesses, and Silvia, widow of Nebridius, and 
daughter of Gildo: "Come hither," said he to them, 
" my daughters, and hear me. My end is at hand ; I 


have finished my course, and perchance you will see my 
face no more. All I ask of you is, not to let your affection 
for the Church wax cold ; and should any one be ordained 
involuntarily, without any solicitation on his part, and 
with the consent of all, to bow the head before him, 
as you have before me ; for the Church cannot be without 
a Bishop. And as you hope for the mercy of God, 
remember me in your prayers." They threw themselves 
at his feet dissolved in tears. He signed to one of the 
most prudent of his priests, and said to him ; " Remove 
them hence, lest they disturb the people." They became 
more tranquil ; and he went cut on the side facing the 
east, while at the same time some persons, by his order, 
got ready his horse on the west side before the great 
gate of the church, in order to mislead the people who 
were expecting him there. He embarked, and landed in 

He arrived at Nicaea, the capital of that province, on 
the 20th of June, 404. But the malice of the Empress 
still pursued him, and at her instigation an order came 
from the court for him to be removed to Cucusus in the 
deserts of Mount Taurus, a barren and cold region griev- 
ously infested by robbers, and already marked by the 
murder of Paul, a former Bishop of Constantinople. He 
sent the following letter to Olympias at the beginning of 
the year 405. " I write to you on my deliverance from 
the gates of death. Therefore I am rejoiced that those 
who came from you did not arrive sooner ; for had they 
found me in the extremity of my illness, I could not easily 
have deceived you, by sending you good tidings. The 
winter, more severe than usual, has increased my stomach 
complaint ; and I have j)assed these two last months in a 
condition worse than death, since I had only so much life 
as left me sensible of my sufferings. All was night alike 
to me, the day, the morning, and the noon. I passed 
whole days in bed, and tried in vain a thousand inven- 
tions to protect myself from the cold. It was to no 
purpose that I kept fires burning, endured the smoke, 


shut myself in mj chamber without daring to stir out, 
and loaded myself with a hundred coverings : all the 
while I suffered excruciating torments, continual sickness, 
head-ache, loss of appetite, and inability to sleep through 
those long and tedious nights. But not to pain you any 
longer ; I am now recovered : the spring no sooner 
arrived, and the weather grew a little milder, than all 
my ailments left me of themselves. I am still, however, 
obliged to observe a strict regimen in my diet, and to eat 
but little, that my digestion may be easier." 

And in another letter to the same : " Since you desire 
to hear from me, I write to tell you that I am recovered 
from my great illness, though I yet feel some effects of 
it ; I have good physicians, but we are in want here of 
remedies, and other things necessary to restore a wasted 
body. We even now foresee a famine and plague : and 
to increase our misfortunes, the continual incursions of 
robbers make our roads impassable. Therefore I pray 
you not to send any one here : for I fear it might be the 
cause of their being murdered, which, as you well know, 
would exceedingly afflict me." He wrote in the same 
manner to a deacon whose name was Theodotus. " It 
was no slight comfort to me in this solitude, to be able 
constantly to write to you : but the incursions of the 
Isaurians have deprived me even of this ; for they have 
begun to appear again with the spring ; they are spread 
over the country, and have made all the roads impassable. 
They have already taken some ladies of rank, and mur- 
dered several men." Then he continues ; "After having 
suffered very much during the winter, I am now some- 
what better, though still uneasy from the unusual severity 
of the weather : for we are still in the depth of winter ; 
but I hope that the fair weather of summer will disperse 
the remains of my illness. For nothing is more injurious 
to my health than cold, and nothing does me more good 
than warmth." In another letter to the same Theodotus, 
he says, " I dare not at this time invite you to Armenia, 
so great are our calamities. Wherever we go, we see 


torrents of blood, multitudes of dead bodies, houses 
demolished, and towns destroyed. We thought we should 
be safe in this fortress, where we are confined as in a 
gloomy prison ; but we can enjoy no peace even here." 
" For," he says in another letter, " the Isaurians attack 
these places also." 

This was the fortress of Arabissus, as appears by the 
same letter, and by another, in which he says : " Having 
found some intermission, we have taken refuge in Arabis- 
sus, where the fortress seemed more secure than any 
other ; for we do not reside in the town. But death is 
daily at our gates, for the Isaurians devastate the whole 
country with fire and sword. We fear a famine, from the 
multitude of people blocked up in so close a place." And 
in another letter to Polybius he writes : " The fear of the 
Isaurians makes every one seek safety in flight : the towns 
are nothing but walls and roofs ; the ravines and forests 
are become cities. The inhabitants of Armenia are like 
the lions and leopards, who find their safety only in the 
deserts. We daily change our habitations, like the No- 
mades and Scythians ; and often little children, hastily 
removed by night in the excessively cold weather, are left 
dead in the snow." 

These continual alarms obliged him to send back a 
young reader, named Theodotus, whom he had taken with 
him to instruct and form in piety ; another additional 
reason being an affection of Theodotus' eyes, to which very 
hot or very cold weather was equally injurious. He 
therefore sent him back to his father, a man of consular 
rank, and also named Theodotus, and with him the pre- 
sents also which his father had made him. He com- 
mended the young reader to the deacon Theodotus as his 
spiritual guide, and wrote to him himself, consoling him, 
and exhorting him to pay great attention to his eyes, and 
to apply himself as much as possible to read the Holy 
Scriptures. " Study their letter," he says, '* unceasingly, 
and some day I will explain to you their sense." 

He wrote again to Olympias while he was at Arabissus, 


probably in the spring of the year 406. " Do not be un- 
easy," he says, " at the severity of the winter, my stomach 
complaint, or the incursions of the Isaurians. The winter 
has been as might be expected in Armenia ; but it has 
not been very troublesome to me, by reason of the pre- 
cautions which I have taken. I have kept continual 
fires, and carefully closed the chamber I live in on all 
sides ; covering myself warmly and not going abroad. 
This is it must be confessed irksome, but I am willing to 
bear it, because I find myself the better for it : for w^hile 
I keep my room the cold has no great effect on me ; 
but whenever I am forced to go out, and be exposed to 
the air even a little, I suffer from it not a little." He 
afterwards says, " Do not be concerned at my passing the 
winter in this place, for I am in much better health 
than I was last year ; and you yourself would have been 
less indisposed had you taken proper care of your health." 
He enlarges on this subject, and on the value which people 
ought to set upon health ; and then continues, " If our 
separation afflict you expect to see an end to it. I do not 
say this merely to comfort you, but I know it will surely 
be so ; otherwise I should have died long since with w^hat 
I have suffered. As it is I bear myself so well with so 
weak a body, that the Armenians themselves are surprised 
at it : for neither the rigour of the air, nor solitude, nor the 
want of provisions, and servants to attend me ; nor the 
ignorance of physicians, nor the absence of baths, which I 
have been accustomed to use continually ; nor the chamber 
in which I am daily shut up as in a prison, without taking 
my usual exercise ; nor being perpetually over the fire 
and in the smoke, and being continually in a state of 
siege and alarm ; none of these things has been able to 
overwhelm me ; nay, I am even better in health here than 
at Constantinople, owing to the care I have taken of 

The enemies of St. Chrysostom being informed of the 
great good he did by his conversion of the infidels in that 
neighbourhood, and how celebrated his virtues were at 


Antioch, resolved to remove him to a more distant place. 
For Severian of Gabala, Porphyrius of Antioch, and 
several other Bishops of Syria were still afraid of him, 
though he was in banishment, and they were enjoying 
the riches of the Church, and disposing of the secular 
power. Therefore having sent to court, they obtained of 
the Emperor Arcadius a more severe rescript, to have him 
speedily removed to Pityus, a desert place in the country 
of the Tzani on the borders of the Euxine sea. The 
journey was long, and St. Chrysostom was three months 
on the road; though the two soldiers of the Praetorian 
prefect, who conducted the holy Bishop, hurried him on 
extremely, saying that such were their orders. One of 
them, not so self-interested as the other, shewed him 
some humanity, as it were by stealth, but the other was 
80 brutal that he would make him set out in the heaviest 
rain, so that he was drenched to the skin ; and would 
make a jest of the most scorching heat of the sun, 
knowing how painful it was to the venerable prelate, 
whose head was bald ; nor would he suffer him to stop 
for a moment in any city or town where there were 
baths, that he might not be indulged with that relief. 

On arriving at Comana, they went through without 
stopping, and rested at a church about five or six miles 
from the town, and dedicated to St. Basiliscus, Bishop of 
Comana, who had suffered martyrdom at Nicomedia, with 
St. Lucian of Antioch. The next morning, contrary to 
the earnest remonstrances of St. Chrysostom, they pursued 
their journey, and had proceeded rather more than three 
miles when St. Chrysostom was taken so extremely ill that 
they were obliged to return to the church which they had 
left. On arriving there, he changed his garments and 
clothed himself in white from head to foot, not having yet 
broken his fast. After which he distributed the few things 
he had left, among those who were then present ; and hav- 
ing received the Communion of the sacred symbols of our 
Saviour, that is, the Eucharist, he made his last prayer in 
the hearing of all who were present, and added, according 


to his usual custom, these words : " Glory to God 
for all things." Then he pronounced his last Amen, 
and stretching out his feet, yielded up his spirit. 
There was at his funeral such a vast concourse of 
Virgins and Monks of Syria, Cilicia, Pontus, and Ar- 
menia, that many thought they had appointed the 
meeting. The feast was observed as for a martyr, and 
his body was interred near that of St. Basiliscus in the 
same church. 

He died and was buried on the fourteenth of Sej^tember, 
or the eighteenth of the calends of October, under the 
seventh Consulate of Honorius, and the second of Theodo- 
sius, that is to say, in the year 407. He was about sixty 
years old, and had governed the Church of Constantinople 
six years to the time of his banishment, and in all nine 
years and eight months. 

Gibbon says, that the character of St. Chrysostom " was 
consecrated by absence and persecution ; the presumed 
faults of his administration were no longer remembered, 
but every tongue repeated the praises of his genius and 
his virtues. The respectful attention of the Christian 
world was fixed on a desert spot among the mountains of 
Taurus ; from that solitude, the Archbishop, whose active 
mind was invigorated by misfortunes, maintained a fre- 
quent correspondence with a great variety of persons, 
while his letters show a firmness of mind, far superior to 
that of Cicero in his exile. He extended his pastoral care 
to the missions of Persia and Scythia; negociated with the 
Roman pontiff, and the Emperor Honorius ; and boldly 
appealed from a partial synod, to the supreme tribunal of 
a free and general council. The mind of the illustrious 
exile was still independent, though his captive body 
was exposed to the vengeance of his oppressors." The 
works of St. Chrysostom are very numerous. They con- 
sist of commentaries, seven hundred homilies, orations. 


doctrinal treatises, and two hundred and forty-two epis- 
tles. The best editions of his works are those of Sir 
Henry Saville, Eton, 1613, 8 vols, folio, the Greek only; 
and Montfaucon's in Greek and Latin, 1718 — 1738, 13 
vols, folio. — Neander. Fleury. Tillemont. Dupin. SocraUs. 


Thomas Church was born in 1707, and educated at 
Brazennose College, Oxford. In 1740 he was instituted 
to the vicarage of Battersea, and was afterwards promoted 
to a prebendal stall in St. PauFs cathedral. He published 
A Vindication of the Miraculous Powers which subsisted 
in the first three Centuries of the Christian Church, in 
answer to Dr. Middleton's Free Inquiry, with a preface, 
containing some observations on Dr. Mead's account of 
the Demoniacs in his Medie Sacra, 1749. This was fol- 
lowed, about a year after, by An Appeal to the serious and 
unprejudiced, or a Second Vindication, &c. For these 
works the university of Oxford conferred on him the 
degree of D.D. by diploma. He also published anonym- 
ously An Analysis of the Philosophical Works of the late 
Lord Bolingbroke, 1755. He died in 1756. — Nicholss 


David Chytr>eus was born in 1530, at Ingelfing, in 
Suabia. After receiving instruction in Greek and Latin 
from Camerarius at Tubingen, and Hebrew at Heidelberg, 
he studied theology under Melancthon at Wittemberg. 


He then travelled in Italy, and on his return to Germany- 
was made professor of hermeneutics at Rostock. The 
Emperor Maximilian II., Eric XIV., King of Sweden, 
Christiern III. and Frederick II., Kings of Denmark, invi- 
ted him to their respective kingdoms to establish churches 
and schools, and they loaded him with presents. He 
mainly contributed to the establishment of the university 
of Helmstadt. He died on the 25th of June, 1600. He 
wrote: — A Commentary on the Apocalypse, 8vo, 1575. 
2. A History of the Confession of xiugsburg. 3. A Chro- 
nology of Herodotus and Thucydides. A Collection of 
all his works, which are mostly compilations, was printed 
at Hanover in 1604, 2 vols, fol. — Melchior Adam. Fraheri 


CiACONius was bora in 1540. He became a Domini- 
can and titular Patriarch of Alexandria. A great num- 
ber of his works remain ; the most considerable among 
which is entitled, Vitse et Gesta liomanorum Pontificum 
et Cardinalium, which, vrith the continuation by his 
nephew, was published in 1602, two vols, folio; the 
sequel down to Clement XII. was published by Marie 
Guarnacci, Rome, 1751, 2 vols, folio; Bibliotheca Scripto- 
rum ad annum 1583, Paris, 1731, folio; and Amsterdam, 
1732, folio. He wrote also, Historia utriusque Belli 
Dacici, in Columna Trajana expressi, cum Figuris ^neis, 
Rome, 1616, folio. Ciaconius left in MS. a Universal Li- 
brary of Authors, which falling into the hands of Camusat, 
was published by him with numerous notes, Paris 1732, 
folio. This work is a useful repository of authors. Ciaco- 
nius died in 1599. — Moreri. 



William Clagett was born at St. Edmund's-bury, in 
1646, and educated at Emanuel College, Cambridge, where 
he took his degree of D.D. in 1683. He first became 
lecturer at St. Edmund's-bury, but afterwards was chosen 
preacher to the society of Gray's Inn. He was also pre- 
sented to the rectory of Farnham Royal in Buckingham- 
shire, and elected lecturer of St. Michael Bassishaw% Lon- 
don. He was chaplain in ordinary to King James XL, 
and was one of the divines who made a stand against 
Popery in that King's reign. Dr. Clagett died of the small 
pox, March 28th, 1688. His works are — 1. A Discourse 
concerning the Operations of the Holy Spirit, two parts, 8vo. 
The third part was destroyed by fire. Dr. Stebbing abridged 
this useful book. 2. A Reply to a pamphlet called the 
Mischief of Impositions, 4to. 3. An Answer to the Dis- 
senter's objections to the Common Prayer, 4to. 4. Some 
Tracts against the Romanists. 5. Four volumes of Ser- 
mons, 8vo. — Biog. Brit. 

clagett, NICHOLAS. 

Nicholas Clagett, younger brother of the preceding, 
was born in 1654, and educated first at the free school 
of St. Edmund's-bury, and next at Christ's College, Cam- 
bridge, where in 1704 he took his doctor's degree. In 
1683 he obtained the rectory of Thurlo Parva in Suffolk; 
in 1693 he was made Archdeacon of Sudbury, and in 1707 
was presented to the rectory of Hitcham. He died in 
1727. He published — 1. A Persuasive to an ingenious 
trial of opinions in Religion, 4to. 2. Truth defended, and 
boldness in error rebuked, against Whiston, 8vo. 3. Some 
Sermons. His son Nicholas became Bishop of Exeter, 
and died in 1746. — Biog. Diet. 



Isidore Claeius was born in the castle of Clario, near 
Brescia, in Italy, in 1495. Dedicating himself to God 
from his early years, he became in process of time a Bene- 
dictine monk, and a celebrated preacher. He was advan- 
ced to the dignity of Abbot of St. Mary de Cesena, and 
was sent by Pope Paul III. to the council of Trent, where 
in the fifth session which was held on the 17th of June, 
1546, he assumed the quality of Abbot of Pontido, near 
Bergamo. He was admired in that assembly for his 
learning and eloquence, and he was probably in the coun- 
cil when Paul III. gave him the bishopric of Foligno, in 
Urabria ; he quickly retired to his diocese, and zealously 
discharged the duties of his sacred office. He died in 
1555. The principal work of Clarius was a reform of the 
Vulgate, with annotations upon the difficult passages. 
Though he extended this reform only to passages in which 
he thought the sense of the original misrepresented, he 
asserts that he has corrected it in upwards of 8000 places. 
This freedom gave offence to the rigid Piomanists, and the 
first edition of his work, printed at Venice in 1542, was 
put into the Index Expurgatorius. Afterwards the depu- 
ties of the council of Trent allowed it to be read, omitting 
the preface and the prolegomena. Clarius was accused of 
plagiarism, in having made great use of Sebastian Mun- 
ster's annotations on the Old Testament without acknow- 
ledgment; the fact is true, but the spirit of the times 
would not allow him to quote a protestant author. His 
Letters, with two Opuscula, were published at Modena, 
1705, 4to. 


Samuel Clark was born in 1599, at Woolston, in 
Warwickshire, of which place his father was vicar above 
forty years. He received his education at Emanuel 



College, Cambridge, after which he entered into orders, 
and officiated some time at Shotwick, in Cheshire, from 
whence he removed to Coventry, and afterwards to 
Alcester, on the presentation of Lord Brooke. Here he 
resided nine years, and then became minister of St. 
Bennet Fink in London, where he continued till the 
Kestoration. During the whole of this period he appears 
to have disapproved of the practices of the numerous 
sectaries which arose, and retained his attachment to 
the constitution and doctrines of the Church, although 
he objected to some of those points respecting ceremonies 
and discipline, which ranks him among the ejected non- 
conformists. In 1660, when Charles II. published a 
declaration concerning ecclesiastical affairs, the London 
clergy drew up a congratulatory address, with a request for 
the removal of re-ordination and surplices in colleges, &c., 
which Mr. Clark was appointed to present. In the 
following year he was appointed one of the commissionera 
for revising the book of common prayer. When ejected 
for non-conformity, such was his idea of schism and 
separation, that he quietly submitted to a retired and 
studious life. From the Church, which he constantly 
attended as a hearer, he says, he dared not separate, or 
gather a private Church out of a true Church, which he 
judged the Church of England to be. In this retirement 
he continued twenty years, partly at Hammersmith, and 
partly at Isleworth, revising what he had published, and 
compiling other works, all of which appear to have been 
frequently reprinted. He died in 1682, universally res- 
pected for his piety, and especially for his moderation in 
the contests which prevailed in his time. His principal 
publications were, — 1. A Mirror or Looking-glass for Saints 
and Sinners, containing remarkable examples of the fate 
of persecutors, and vicious persons of all descriptions, and 
notices of the lives of persons eminent for piety. 2. The 
Marrow of Ecclesiastical History, containing the Lives of 
the Fathers, Schoolmen, Reformers, and eminent modern 


Divines, &c., 1649, 4to. Clark was unquestionably the 
first who published any collection of biography in English, 
and who is respectfully noticed by Fuller, as his prede- 
cessor. In 1650 he published a second part, and both 
together, with additions, in a thick quarto of above lOOri 
pages, in 1654, with many portraits in wood and copper ; 
but the best edition is that of 1675, folio. 3. A General 
Martyrology, or abridgment of Fox and of some more 
recent authors, 1651, folio; to this, in 1652, he added an 
English Martyrology, reprinted together in 1660, and in 
1677, with an additional series of the lives of Divines, 
4. The lives of sundry eminent persons in this latter age, 
1683, folio. 5. The Marrow of Divinity, with sundry 
Cases of Conscience, 1659, folio; a treatise against the 
toleration of schismatics and separatists, entitled Golden 
Apples, or Seasonable and Serious Counsel, &c., 1659, 
12mo. In these volumes we have quoted him several 
times. — Autobiography. Calamy. Fuller. 


Samuel Claek, son of the preceding, was educated at 
Pembroke-hall, Cambridge, where he obtained a fellow- 
ship, which he lost in the Rebellion for refusing the 
Engagement. He was afterwards preferred to the living 
of Grendon, in Buckinghamshire, from whence he was 
ejected for non-conformity, at the Restoration. He, died 
in 1701. He is chiefly known for his Annotations on the 
Bible, 1690, folio. The author of the " Scripture Pro- 
mises," was of this family, and was teacher of a congrega- 
tion of Dissenters at St. Alban's. — Calamy. Granger. 


Samuel Clarke, an Arian heretic of high reputation in 
the last century. He was born at Norwich, in 1675, and 
was educated at Caius College, Cambridge. He was 


highly distinguished as a scholar and as an early advocate 
in that university of the Newtonian Philosophy. On his 
ordination he became chaplain to Dr. Moore, Bishop of 
Norwich. In 1699 he published his practical essays on 
Baptism, Confirmation, and Repentance : and in his 
reflections upon a book called Amyntor, he skilfully 
defended the genuineness of the writings of the apostolical 
fathers. By Bishop Moore he was collated to the rectory 
of Drayton, near Norwich, and in J 704 he was appointed 
to the Boyle Lecture. This gave rise to his treatise on 
the Being and Attributes of God. In this treatise he 
endeavoured to shew that the Being of a God may be 
demonstrated by arguments a priori. He was satirized 
by Pope in the following lines, which- he puts in the 
mouth of one of his dunces, addressing himself to his 
goddess : 

Let others creep by timid steps and slow, 
On plain experience lay foundations low, 
By common sense to common knowledge bred, 
And last to nature's cause through nature led. 
All- seeing in thy mists we want no guide, 
Mother of Arrogance and source of Pride, 
We nobly take the high Priori road. 
And reason downward till we doubt of God. 

In 1706 he removed to the rectory of St. Bennet, Paul's 
Wharf, London, and about this time he began to entertain 
heretical notions with respect to the Holy, Blessed, and 
Glorious Trinity. The liberal divines and low churchmen 
of the last century, generally had a tendency to Arianism, 
or something worse. Indeed, this is the legitimate ten- 
dency of low church views ; the question with such persons 
is, how little may a man believe and yet hold the essentials 
of religion, so that we may act together. And this question 
once asked, will, of course, lower the whole tone of 
theology. We ought, on the contrary, to endeavour to 
master as many truths as possible, and encourage others 
to do so, and it is because this is the desire and endeavour 
of our more holy men, that our schools of theology are all 


of them in this age higher than they were in the last, the 
lowest churchmen among us, and the most popular among 
our preachers, taking grounds which their predecessors 
would have thought too high. 

He was engaged in 1706 in a controversy with the 
learned Henry Dodwell ; and he translated into Latin 
Sir Isaac Newton's treatise on optics. His Paraphrases 
on the four Gospels had been published previously, and 
before his perversion to the Arian heresy. He was now, 
before he was suspected of Arianism, appointed chaplain 
to Queen Anne, and in 1709 he became rector of 
St. James's, Westminster ; he also took his doctor's degree, 
wuth high honour to himself. In this year he corrected 
Mr. Whiston's Translation of the Apostolical Constitu- 
tions, and in 1712 he published his beautiful edition of 
Caesar's Commentaries. 

In 1712 he also published his Scripture-doctrine of ths 
Trinity. This, as Bishop Van Mildert observes, was a 
new era in polemics. The subject is concisely stated by 
that good Bishop in his Life of Waterland. 

" Dr. Clarke was a man of far too great importance, 
from the strength of his understanding, the depth of his 
knowledge, and the extent of his learning, to content him- 
self with retailing trite arguments already advanced and 
reiterated by the Anti-Trinitarians of the day. Indeed 
he disclaimed the character of an Anti-Trinitaiian ; and 
appears to have been firmly persuaded, that the doctrine 
of the Trinity was a true Scripture-doctrine. His labours 
were directed entirely to the proof of this doctrine, in the 
sense in which he himself embraced it, and which he 
laboured to prove was the sense both of Scripture and of 
the Church of England. He stands distinguished, there- 
fore, from such writers as Biddle, Firmin, Clendon, Emlyn, 
and Whiston, in many prominent features of the doctrine 
he advanced ; and consequently, the controversy with him 
assumed a very different aspect from that in which Bishop 
Bull had been engaged. 

" The professed design of Dr. Clarke's book was indis- 


putably good. A full and digested collection of all the 
texts relating to the doctrine of the Trinity, with a critical 
interpretation of them, was a desideratum in theology, 
and could hardly fail to be of advantage to the biblical 
student. It served also to call off the attention of those 
who had hitherto chiefly derived their notions of the sub- 
ject from teachers who rested more upon metaphysics, 
than upon the pure word of God ; and to bring the whole 
matter of dispute into a train of more legitimate discus- 

"Dr. Clarke, however, in this undertaking, set out upon 
a latitudinarian principle, which did not augur very favour- 
ably of the purpose which it might be intended to serve. 
With reference to the Liturgy of the Church of England, 
and to public formularies of faith, in general, he assumed 
it as a maxim, ' That every person may reasonably agree 
to such forms, whenever he can in any sense at all recon- 
cile them with Scripture.' He also virtually, if not ex- 
pressly, disclaimed the authority of the primitive Christian 
writers, as expositors of the doctrines in question ; desiring 
it to be understood, that he did not cite their works ' as 
proofs of any of the propositions, but as illustrations only ;' 
moreover, that his purpose in citing them was oftentimes 
to point out their inconsistency with the doctrine they 
professed to hold, and thus ' to shew how naturally truth 
sometimes prevails by its own native clearness and evi- 
dence, even against the strongest and most settled preju- 
dices.' These were suspicious declarations, and would 
naturally lead to an expectation, that the author might 
find occasion, in the course of his work, to exemplify his 
principles in a way not quite conformable either with the 
sentiments of the primitive defenders of the faith, or with 
those of the Church in which he was himself an accredited 

" Accordingly, the work was no sooner published and 
read, than he was accused of applying these principles to 
the introduction of opinions irreconcileable with the recei- 
V ed doctrines of the Church Catholic in general, and with 


those of the Church of England in particular ; and the 
work was reprobated as an indirect revival of the Arian 
heresy. Among the writers who thus arraigned it, were 
men of high character and respectability in the Church. 
Dr. Wells, Mr. Nelson, Dr. James Knight, Bishop Gas- 
trell. Dr. Edwards, Mr. Welchman, Mr. Edward Potter, 
Dr. Bennett, and Mr. Richard Mayo, distinguished them- 
selves, with considerable ability, by their animadversions 
on this work. On the other side. Dr. Whitby, Dr. Sykes, 
and Mr. John Jackson, appeared in favour of Dr. Clarke, 
and upheld his cause with zeal and talent. The weight, 
however, of public opinion, (so far at least, as related to 
members of the Church of England,) preponderated 
greatly against him ; and the subsequent proceedings of 
the Lower House of Convocation proved, that the persua- 
sions of the clergy in general were decidedly adverse to 
those which he had espoused." 

Not content with this publication. Dr. Clarke assumed 
to himself authority to omit or alter the offices of the 
Church, which he had sworn to observe, and on Trinity 
Sunday, 1713, in order to avoid reading the proper pre- 
face in the Communion Service, he omitted the admini- 
stration of the Lord's Supper entirely, by which the pious 
among his parishioners were greatly shocked, and seriously 
injured. He was appointed to his rectory, not to indulge 
in his own caprices, but as the servant of the Church, to 
administer her offices to her children. This dereliction 
of duty, together with the work which has been alluded to, 
awakened the suspicions of Convocation, for at that time 
the Church of England possessed a convocation, though 
unfortunately it was a divided body. The more respect- 
able of the clergy were Tories, and, except during the 
last years of Queen Anne's reign, the government had 
since the revolution been in the hands of the Whigs- 
The consequence was that the Bishops were not selected 
from the best portion of the clergy ; they were chosen 
from their subserviency to a government which in ecclesi- 
astical matters was tyrannical, and without reference to 


their conduct as clergymen. Between the Bishops and 
their clergy there was a want of confidence, and the whole 
discipline of the Church hecame relaxed. The lower 
house, containing many sound divines, applied to the 
Bishops on the 2nd of June, 1714, and stated that 
Dr. Clarke's book was at variance with the catholic faith of 
the Church of England ; and further, they requested the 
upper house to take the matter into their most serious 
consideration. The Bishops requested them to specify 
the obnoxious parts in writing : and on the 23rd of June 
they presented a paper of extracts, declaring their belief 
that the passages fully supported their representation 
respecting the erroneous character of the book. 

At this stage of the inquiry, Dr. Clarke drew up a 
qualifying paper concerning his faith, and presented it to 
the upper house. In this paper a different view was 
maintained from that which was conveyed by the extracts 
from the book ; he also promised not to preach on the 
subject, nor yet to publish any other books on the Trinity. 
In this declarati(m he stated that the third and fourth 
petitions in the Litany had never been omitted in his 
church, and that the Athanasian Creed had not been 
omitted at eleven o'clock prayers, but only at early prayers, 
for the sake of brevity, by his curate, and not by his own 

Soon after, the doctor sent a second explanation to the 
Bishop of London, in which he declared that his views, as 
expressed in the former paper, were not different from 
those which he had maintained in his books. He desired 
therefore, that the declaration might be so understood, 
and not as a retractation of anything which he had 

The upper house expressed themselves satisfied with 
these explanations, and informed the lower house that 
they did not think fit to proceed farther with the extracts 
submitted to their notice. The lower house, on the con- 
trary, resolved that Dr. Clarke had made no retractation, 
and that his paper was not satisfactory. 


Many divines engaged in this controversy, but Dr. 
Clarke's system was completely demolished by Dr. Water- 

Dr. Clarke assumed to himself the right of selecting or 
composing hymns for the use of his congregation ; and 
certainly, if a Calvinist may introduce hymns inculcating 
the calvinistic heresy, it seems that something may be 
said in palliation of Dr. Clarke's conduct in this par- 
ticular. But how he could reconcile it to his conscience 
to retain his situation as rector of St. James's it is difficult 
to conceive. The doxology was altered by him thus : 

To God through Christ, His only Son 
Immortal Glory be : 

To God through Christ, His Son, our Lord 
All Glory be therefore. 

From this scandalous attempt to introduce his heresy into 
the Church by a side wind, the Bishop of London com- 
pelled him to desist. 

Although he reconciled it to his conscience to retain 
his rectory, he is said to have more than once refused a 
bishopric. It is highly probable that, through the 
influence of Queen Caroline, he would obtain a bishopric, 
for it is known that over the mind of that unhappy 
woman he exercised considerable influence, for she died 
an Arian heretic, refusing to receive the Holy Eucharist. 

In 1727 Dr. Clarke refused the office of master of the 
Mint, and in 17-29 he published his Homer. On the 
11th of May this year he was taken ill, and on the 17th 
he died, persisting, according to Bishop Hoadley, in his 
heresy to the last 

He left a widow and five children, having in his life- 
time lost two. 

According to his express desire, the same year as his 
death, was published his Exjjosition of the Church Cate- 



chis7n : of which the following account is given by Bishop 
Van Mildert : he studiously inculcated that religious 
worship should be paid to the Father only, through the 
Son, and in the Holy Spirit ; implying, that it is not paid 
to either of these as their own due, but only through or 
by them, ultimately to the Father. He represented also 
the work of redemption, and that of sanctification, to be 
from the Father only, by the Son and the Holy Ghost ; as 
if these were merely instruments in His hand ; and that, 
consequently, to Him, and not to them, is the glory exclu- 
sively to be ascribed. Other passages of similar tendency 
occur in this treatise, more or less derogating from the 
essential divinity of our Lord and of the Holy Spirit; 
passages, which Dr. Waterland illustrates by reference to 
others in Dr. Clarke's Modest Plea, expressing more fully 
and unreservedly what is covertly advanced in this 

Dr. Waterland observes farther, that Dr. Clarke, in 
explaining that answer in the Catechism which states our 
belief in God the Father, God the Son, and God the 
Holy Ghost, " says nothing of God the Son, or God the 
Holy Ghost : he never asserts the divinity of either, never 
so much as gives them the title of God:" — moreover that 
the titles and attributes ascribed to the Son and the Holy 
Ghost, as well as to the Father, were so interpreted by 
Dr. C. as to adapt them to those lower notions of their 
divinity, which he had elsewhere maintained. Even the 
form of baptism, in the name of each person in the 
Trinity, he explained in such a way as to denote that we 
are dedicated to the service and worship of God the 
Father only. 

These were points which had already been debated 
between Dr. Clarke and Dr. Waterland, in their former 
controversy. The subsequent remarks introduced a fresh 
topic, not indeed unconnected with the others, but which 
had not before been brought into discussion, though in 
itself of no inconsiderable importance. 


On the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, Dr. W. objects 
that the Exposition is by no means full and satisfactory ; 
since the account given of the atonement by Christ seems 
to place all its efficacy in our Lord's pure and spotless 
character, not in any inherent propitiatory virtue belong- 
ing to it ; nor, as Dr. W. observes, is it conceivable, that, 
" supposing Christ to be a creature only. He could have 
such a degree of merit, by anything He could do or suffer, 
as thereby to purchase pardon for a whole world of 

Again ; the Exposition imperfectly stated the sense in 
which the Eucharist may be called a sacrifice ; ascribing 
to it that character in no higher acceptation than might 
be ascribed to any other service of praise and thanks- 
giving ; not taking into account that it is a solemn com- 
memoration and representation to God of the sacrifice 
offered on the cross, and an act of covenant also, in which 
we lay claim to that, as our expiation, and feast upon it, as 
our peac€-offering. 

The same inadequate representation is charged upon 
the Exposition, respecting the benefits of this holy sacra- 
ment ; which Dr. Clarke represented to be nothing more 
than that assurance of blessing and assistance from God 
which accompany all religious and virtuous habits ; bene- 
fits arising naturally from the good dispositions of the 
recipient, and not from any special gifts of grace, or 
spiritual advantages, communicated through the medium 
of the sacrament itself. Dr. Clarke, indeed, expressly 
says " of the two sacraments, in common with other posi- 
tive institutions, that they have the nature only of means 
to an end, and that therefore they are never to be com- 
pared with moral virtues." On the contrary, Dr. W. con- 
tends, that "moral virtues are rather to be considered 
as means to an end, because they are previous qualifica- 
tions for the sacraments, and have no proper efficacy 
towards procuiing salvation, till they are improved and 
rendered acceptable by these Christian performances." 


He asks, " What is the exercise of moral virtue, but the 
exercise of obedience to some law, suppose of charity or 
justice? But the worthy receiving of the sacrament of 
the Lord's Supper is at once an exercise of obedience to 
the law of Christ, and of faith, of worship, and of repent- 
ance, and carries in it the strongest incitement, not only 
to all moral virtues, but to all Christian graces." Neither 
is there good reason " for slighting positive institutions 
in general, in comparison with moral virtue." Man s' first 
offence was breaking a positive precept. Abraham's obedi- 
ence to a positive command obtained for him the special 
favour of God. Obedience to positive institutions is an 
exercise, and sometimes the noblest and best exercise, 
of that love of God, which is the first and great com- 
mandment: and there may be, in some cases, greater 
excellency and more real virtue in obeying positive pre- 
cepts, than in any moral virtue. Not that these should 
be opposed to each other; since both are necessary, 
and perfective of each other. "But," he adds, "if they 
must be opposed and compared, 1 say, moral virtue is 
but the handmaid leading to the door of salvation, 
which the use of the sacraments at length opens, and 
lets us in." 

Bishop Van Mildert also remarks that there is reason 
to believe that Dr. Clarke's opinions had taken deep root 
among several communities of protestant dissenters, and 
that to this cause may be traced some of the multifarious 
schisms into which they were subsequently divided. 
Hence, at least, appear to have arisen the several Unita- 
rian congregations, which succeeded to the Arian, and 
which are now for the most part, become Socinian. In 
the West of England these opinions have ever since con- 
tinued to have abettiors. The Arian meeting-house at 
Exeter retained its appropriate designation long after 
other congregations of the kind had dispersed, and were 
forgotten. It has now, however, passed into other hands : 
and the Unitarians of the present day, who still abound 


In that district, would probably bo almost as reluctant to 
subscribe to Dr. Clarke's creed, as to that of Dr. Water- 
land. — Bishop Hoadleys Life of Dr. Clarke. Bishop Van 
Mildert's Life of Dr. Waterland. Lathhurys Hist, of Con- 
vocation. Whistons Memoir of Clarke. 


Altjred Clarke, a benevolent English divine, was bom 
in 1696. After receiving his early education at St. Paul's 
School, he was admitted pensioner of Corpus Chiisti 
College, Cambridge, of which he was made fellow in 1718. 
In 17-23 he was collated to the rectory of Chilbolton, in 
Hampshire, and was soon after installed prebendary of 
Winchester. He was appointed one of the chaplains in 
ordinary to George I. and George II., and was promoted 
to a prebend in the church of Westminster in 1731. In 
1740 he was advanced by the King to the daauery of 
Exeter ; and died the same year. His printed works are 
few, consisting only of four occasional sermons, and an 
Essay towards the Character of Queen Caroline, published 
in 1738. 

As a man, his character stands very high. He is said 
to have spent the whole surplus of his annual income in 
works of hospitality and charity; and determined with 
himself never to have in reserve, how great soever his 
revenue might be, more than a sum sufficient to defray 
the expenses of his funeral. The most remarkable instance 
of his active benevolence was in the case of the sick hos- 
pital at Winchester. Its institution, which was the first 
of the kind in England, those of the metropolis only 
excepted, owes its existence chiefly to the industry and 
indefatigable zeal of Dr. Alured Clarke, who in 1736 
recommended the scheme to the public by every art of 
persuasion, and was so successful, that the first annual 
subscription amounted to upwards of £600. And when 
the great utility of such a foundation became more ap- 


parent, its revenue soon increased to upwards of a £1000 
per annum, and institutions of a like nature were in a 
short time established throughout the kingdom. The 
orders and constitutions of Winchester Infirmary were 
drawn up by Dr. Clarke, and are a proof of great wisdom 
in a branch of political economy, at that time very little 
understood. He began a similar institution upon his 
removal to Exeter, (where he had, with his usual liberality, 
expended a large sum of money upon the repair of his 
deanery house,) but did not live long enough to see his 
laudable design fully executed. — Masters. Hist, of Corjnis 
Christi College. History of Winchester. 


John Clarke was born at Norwich. He was bred to 
the business of a weaver, but afterwards went to the 
university of Cambridge, where he proceeded to the degree 
of D.D. By the interest of his brother he obtained a 
prebend in Norwich cathedral, was appointed chaplain in 
ordinary to the King, and lastly promoted to the deanery 
of Salisbury. He died in 1759. Dean Clarke preached 
the Boyle's Lecture, and published the sermons with the 
title of the Origin of Evil, 2 vols, 8vo. His other works 
are, a translation of Rohault's System of Physic, 2 vols, 
8vo ; another of Grotius de Veritate, with Le Clerc's Notes 
8vo ; and the Notes belonging to Wollaston's Religion 
of Nature. 


Samuel Clarke was born at Brackley, in Northampton- 
shire, in 1623. He became a student at Merton College, 
Oxford, and in 1648 took his masters degree. In 1650 
he kept a school at Islington, where he assisted in 
Walton's Polyglott. In 1Q58 he returned to the univer- 


sit J, and became superior beadle of law, as also architypo- 
graphus, being the last person who united the two offices. 
He died in 1669. His works are — 1. Variae lectiones et 
observationes in Chaldaicum paraphrasim, inserted in the 
sixth volume of the Polyglott Bible. 2. Scientia metrica 
et rhythmica : seu tractatus de jDrosodia Arabica ex Autho- 
ribus probatissimis eruta, 8vo. 3. Septimum Bibliorum 
Polyglottum volumen cum versionibus antiquissimis, 
non Chaldaica tantum, sed .Syriacis, ^thiopicis, Copticis, 
Arabicis, Persicis contextum. This last is in MS. There 
goes under his name a translation out of Hebrew into 
Latin, of a piece called Massereth Beracoth, 8vo. 1667. — 


David Clakkson was born at Bradford, in 1622, and was 
educated at Clare Hall, Cambridge, of which college he 
became a fellow. He was tutor to Tillotson, and obtained 
the living of Mortlake, in Surrey. On the Restoration he 
became a non-conformist, and died in 1686. Of his works, 
which principally consist of occasional sermons, and a 
volume of sermons, in folio, the most remarkable were, 
one entitled No Evidence of Diocesan Episcopacy in the 
Primitive Times, 1681, 4to, in answer to Dr. Stillingfleet ; 
and another on the same subject, printed after his death, 
under the title of Primitive Episcopacy, 1688 ; this was 
answered by Dr. Henry Maurice in 1691, in his Defence 
of Diocesan Episcopacy. — Gen. Diet. 


John Claude was born at Sauvetat, near Agen, in 1619. 
He studied divinity at Montauban, and there entered the 
protestant ministry in 1645, and ministered in the church 
of la Treyne, whence he was removed to St. Afric, in 
Rovergne, and eight years after to Nismes. Here he also 


remained eight years, and being prohibited to exercise the 
functions of a minister in Languedoc, he went to Mon- 
tauban, and settled in 1616 at Charenton. He was en- 
gaged in controversies with Bossuet, Arnauld, Nicole, and 
other distinguished Romanists. On October 2'2nd, 1685, 
the day on which the revocation of the edict of Nantes was 
registered at Paris, Claude, at ten in the morning, was 
ordered to leave France in twenty-four hours. On his 
arrival in Holland, he received a large pension from the 
Prince of Orange. He used to preach occasionally at the 
Hague ; and his last sermon was on Christmas-day, 1686, 
at the conclusion of which he was seized with an illness, 
of which he died on the 13th of January following. His 
life, written by M. de la Devaize, was translated into 
English, and published in London, 1688, 4to. It is very 
eulogistic, but there does not appear to be anything in the 
volume which would be interesting or edifying to the 
readers of this work. His Historical Defence of the 
Pteformation was published in English by T. B., London, 
1683, 4to; and his Essay on the Composition of a 
Sermon, which he wrote about the year 1676, for the use 
of his son, was translated and published in English, in 
1778, by Mr. Robinson, of Cambridge, 2 vols, 8vo, with a 
Life of the Author, and notes. A new edition was pub- 
lished in 1796, by the Rev. Charles Simeon, of King's 
College, Cambridge. — Devaize. 


Clemens Claudius was born in Spain at the close of 
the 8th century, and was a disciple of Felix, Bishop of 
Urgel, whom he accompanied into France, Italy, and Ger- 
many, but whose errors he afterwards renounced, and 
obtained access to the court of Louis le Debonaire, Em- 
peror and King of France, who admitted him among his 
almoners and chaplains, and in 817 promoted him to 
the see of Turin. He soon after began to exercise the 


duties of his function, by ordering all images, and even 
the cross, to be cast out of the churches, and committed 
to the flames. The year following he composed a treatise, 
in which he not only defended these vehement proceedings, 
and declared against the use, as well as the worship of 
images, but also broached several other opinions, that 
were quite contrary to the notions of the multitude, and 
to the prejudices of the times. He denied, among other 
things, in opposition to the Greeks, that the cross was to 
be honoured with any kind of worship ; he treated relics 
with the utmost contempt, as absolutely destitute of the 
virtues that were attributed to them, and censured with 
much freedom and severity those pilgrimages to the holy 
land, and those voyages to the tombs of the saints, which, 
in this century, were looked upon as extremely salutary, 
and particularly meritorious. This noble stand, in the 
defence of true religion, drew upon Claudius a multitude 
of adversaries ; the sons of superstition rushed upon him 
from all quarters; Theodemir Dungallus, Jonas of Orleans, 
and Walafridus Strabo united to overwhelm him with 
their voluminous answers. But the learned and venerable 
prelate maintained his ground, and supported his cause 
with such dexterity and force, that it remained triumphant, 
and gained new credit. And hence it happened, that the 
city of Turin and the adjacent country were, for a long 
time after the death of Claudius, much less infected with 
superstition than the other parts of Europe. 

His commentaries on several parts of the Old and New 
Testaments are still extant in MS. in various French 
libraries. The only works of his that have been published 
are, his Prefaces to the Book of Leviticus, and to the 
Epistle to the Ephesians, and his Commentary on the 
Galatians, Paris, 154-2, in which he everywhere asserts 
the equality of all the Apostles with St. Peter, owns Jesus 
Christ as the proper head of the Church, and inveighs 
against the doctrine of human merits, and against mak- 
ing tradition of co-ordinate authority with the divine 
word. He maintains salvation by faith alone, admits the 


fallibility of the Church, exposes the futility of praying 
for the dead, and of the idolatrous practices then supported 
by the lioman see. He died in 839. — Mosheim, Dupin. 


This unprincipled man was born in 1695, in Dublin, 
his father being dean of Kildare. He was educated at 
Westminster School and at Trinity College, Dublin. He 
married a daughter of Chief Baron Donellan, and in 
many ways evinced a benevolent disposition. A benevo- 
lent action on his part was the cause of his introduction 
to Dr. Samuel Clarke, whose life has already been given, 
and by Dr. Clarke his principles were corrupted : he be- 
came an Arian heretic. Through Clarke he was introduced 
to (Jueen Caroline, and by her recommended to Lord 
Carteret when he was at the head of the Irish govern- 
ment. The consequence of this recommendation was 
that Clayton was offered the bishopric of Killala, and 
though an Arian heretic, though obliged to subscribe the 
articles, though compelled to declare his unfeigned assent 
and consent to all and every thing contained in and pre- 
scribed by the Book of Common Prayer, the wretched 
man perjured himself and accepted the office, and was 
afterwards translated first to Cork, and then to Clogher. 
His first publication was an Introduction to the History 
of the Jews, afterwards translated into French. His next 
work was the Chronology of the Hebrew Bible vindicated; 
the Facts compared with other ancient Histories, and the 
Difficulties explained, from the Flood to the Death of 
Moses ; together with some Conjectures in Relation to 
Egypt during that Period of Time ; also two Maps, in 
which are attempted to be settled the Journeyings of the 
Children of Israel, 1747, 4to. In 1710 he published a 
Dissertation on Prophecy, which was followed by an Im- 
partial Enquiry into the Time of the (Joming of the 
Messiah, in two letters to an eminent Jew. In the same 


year (1751), appeared the Essay on Spirit ; a performance 
which excited very general attention, and was productive 
of a sharp controversy. Its object was to recommend the 
Arian doctrine of the inferiority of the Son and of the 
Holy Spirit, and to prepare the way for corresponding 
alterations in the Liturgy. This work, though ascribed 
to Dr. Clayton, was, in fact, the production of a young 
clergyman in his diocese, whom he befriended so far as to 
take the expense and responsibility of the publication 
upon himself. Clayton fathered the work and had the 
discredit of it. The Essay was demolished by the power- 
ful pen of Jones of Nayland. It is thus spoken of by 
Bishop Warburton in a letter to Bishop Hurd, " The 
Bishop of Clogher, or some such heathenish name, in 
Ireland, has just published a book. It is made up out of 
the rubbish of the heresies ; of a much ranker cast than 
common Arianism. Jesus Christ is Michael, and the Holy 
Ghost, Gabriel, &c. This might be heresy in an English 
bishop, but in an Irish, it is only a blunder. But thank 
God, our bishops are far from making or vending heresies; 
though for the good of the Church, they have excellent 
eyes at spying it out wherever it skulks or lies hid." 

He had before this, we may presume, kept his Arianism 
to himself. He was now the avowed champion of this 
heresy, and bad as the times were, they were not such as 
would tolerate the advancement of an Arian, or, we may 
presume, a Sabellian to an archie piscopal see. In 1752 
he was recommended by the Duke of Dorset, then viceroy 
of Ireland, to the vacant archbishopric of Tuam ; but this 
was refused, solely on account of his being regarded as 
the writer of the Essay. In 1752 he published A Vindi- 
cation of the Histories of the Old and New Testament ; 
in answer to the Objections of the late Lord Bolingbroke ; 
in two letters to a young nobleman, 1752, Bvo ; an able 
work. In 1754 he published the second part of his Vin- 
dication of the Histories of the Old and New Testament, 
which was successfully attacked by Alexander Catcott. 
On the ^ud of February, 17 56, he openly avowed his 


Arian principles, by proposing in the Irish House of 
Lords, that the Nicene and Athanasian Creeds should for 
the future be left out of the Liturgy of the Church of 
Ireland. In 1757 he pubUshed the third part of his 
Vindication of the Histories of the Old and New Testa- 
jnent, in which he renewed his attacks upon the Trinity, 
and gave up so many doctrines as indefensible, and ad- 
vanced others so contradictory to the Thirty-nine Articles, 
that the Bishops of the Church of Ireland determined to 
proceed against him. Accordingly the King ordered the 
lord-lieutenant to take the proper steps towards a legal 
prosecution of the Bishop of Clogher. A day was lixed 
for a general meeting of the Irish prelates at the house of 
the primate, to which Dr. Clayton was summoned, that he 
might receive from them the notification of their inten- 
tions. A censure was certain ; a deprivation was appre- 
hended. But, before the time appointed, he was seized 
with a nervous fever, of which he died on the 26th of 
February, 1758. — Biog. Brit. Nicholss Bowyer. War- 
burtons Letters. 


From Eusebius we learn that this eminent father of 
the Christian Church, who flourished between the years 
192 and '217, was a convert from heathenism. According 
to Epiphanius he was by some called an Athenian, by 
others an Alexandrian, whence Cave infers that he was 
born at Athens, and studied at Alexandria ; of the Church 
of Alexandria, according to Jerome, he became a presbyter. 
He had for his master Pantoenus of Alexandria, and after 
his decease he himself became master of the catechetical 
school, where he had for his hearer the celebrated Origen. 
"When Severus began a persecution against the Chris- 
tians, for which he pleaded a rebellion of the Jews (for the 
pagans had not as yet learned to distinguish Jews and 
Christians,) Clemens left Egypt to escape the violence of 
it; and upon this occasion he drew up a discourse, to 


prove the lawfulness of flying in times of persecution. He 
then went to Jerusalem, and took up his abode for some 
time with Alexander, who was soon after Bishop of that 
see. From Antioch he returned to Alexandria. The 
time of his death is not known, hut he is supposed to 
have lived till about the close of Caracalla's reign. 

St. Jerome gives the following list of his works ; — 

STpw/xoTc'i? in eight books. 

Hypotyposes in eight books. 

One book addressed to the Gentiles. 

Three books entitled TTatoaywyoj. 

One book concerning Easter. 

A Discourse concerning Fasting. 

A Discourse, entitled, " Who is the Rich man that 
shall U Saved ?" 

One book on Slander. 

One on the Ecclesiastical Canons, and against those 
who follow the errors of the Jews, addressed to Alexander, 
Bishop of Jerusalem, 

This account of the works of Clemens is principally 
derived from Eusebius, who also mentions an Exhortation 
to Patience, addressed to the newly Baptized. The ad- 
dress to the Gentiles, the Pfedagogus, the Stromata, and 
the tract entitled " Who is the Rich Man that shall be 
Saved ?"' have come down to us nearly entire. Of the 
other works we have only fragments. 

The works of Clemens Alexandrinus are deeply interest- 
ing, as throwing light upon the manners and modes of 
thought prevalent in his time. This observation is espe- 
cially applicable to the Stromata. His works are not so 
important perhaps as some others to the theological 
student, but he would not omit to read an author so full 
of interest, assisted as he now is, by the valuable work of 
Bishop Kaye; and there is much in this father which 
strengthens the cause of the Church of England against 
the peculiarities of R^jme. Speaking of angels, Pjishop 
Kaye remarks, tliat we find in Clemens nothing to coun- 



tenance the notion that prayers ought to be addressed 
to them. He represents them, as well as men, as pray- 
ing for blessings from God. Speaking of the heretics, 
Clemens says, "that they did not transmit or interpret the 
Scriptures agreeably to the dignity of God ; for the under- 
standing and the cultivation of the pious tradition, agree- 
ably to the teaching of the Lord delivered by the Apostles, 
is a deposit to be rendered to God. — The Scriptures are 
to be interpreted according to the canon of the truth. 
Neither the prophets, nor the Saviour Himself, announced 
the divine mysteries so as to be easily comprehended by 
every one, but spoke in parables ; which will be under- 
stood by those who adhere to the interpretation of the 
Scriptures according to the ecclesiastical rule ; and that 
rule is, the harmony of the law and the prophets with the 
covenant delivered by the Lord during His presence on 
earth. " 

When we proceed to inquire what were the mysterious 
truths which had been thus transmitted by unwritten 
tradition, and were unfitted for the ear of the common 
believer, we shall find that they consisted chiefly of pre- 
cepts for the formation of the true Gnostic — the perfect 
Christian. The use to which the Romish Church applies 
unwritten tradition and the Disciplina Arcani — in order 
to account for the total silence of the first ages of 
Christianity respecting certain doctrines which it now 
requires its followers to believe, as necessary to salvation- 
receives no sanction from the writings of Clemens. The 
same Scriptures were placed in the hands of Clemens' 
Gnostic, and of the common believer ; but he interpreted 
them on different principles ; he affixed to them a higher 
and more spiritual meaning. The same doctrines were 
proposed as the objects of his faith, but he explained 
them in a different manner ; he discovered in them 
hidden meanings which are not discernable by the vulgar 
eye. Clemens' Esoteric system agrees only in one respect 
with the Romish Disciplina Arcani; it is equally desti- 
tute of solid foundation. 


Far, however, from teaching his Gnostic to rely on 
unwritten tradition, Clemens says, " that they who are 
labouring after excellence, will not stop in their search of 
truth, until they have obtained proof of that which they 
believe from the Scriptures themselves." He alleges that 
the heretics perverted the Scriptures according to their 
lusts ; that they did not obey the Divine Scriptures, and 
kicked off the tradition of the Church. He says that, in 
cases in which it is not sufficient merely to state a 
doctrine, but we are also required to prove what we affirm, 
we then do not look for human testimony, but appeal to 
the voice of the Lord, which is a greater surety than all 
demonstration ; or rather is the only demonstration. With 
reference to this knowledge, they who merely taste the 
Scriptures are believers; they who proceed further are 
accurate indexes (yvw/xovE?) of the truth; they are Gnos- 
tics. Thus w^e, bringing proof respecting the Scriptures 
from the Scriptures themselves, rest our belief on demon- 
stration. Clemens says, that the Gnostic follows witherso- 
ever God leads him in the divinely inspired Scriptures ; 
and couples clear demonstration from the testimony of the 
Scriptures with knowledge (r)' yvwo-i?), when he speaks of 
the remedies of ignorance. He opposes the tradition of 
the blessed Apostles and teachers, which was in agree- 
ment with the divinely-inspired Scriptures, to human 
doctrines ; and repeatedly asserts the unity of the Aposto- 
lic tradition. 

Clemens, says Bishop Kaye, uniformly connects Regen- 
eration with Baptism. " The Paedagogue," he says, " forms 
man out of the dust, regenerates him with water, causes 
him to grow by the Spirit." The effects of baptism are 
thus described. " Our transgressions are remitted by one 
sovereign medicine, the baptism according to the Word 
(xoyiKw jSaTTTiVjotaTt). We are cleansed from all our sins, 
and cease at once to be wicked. This is one grace of 
illumination, that we are no longer the same in conversa- 
tion (tov t^ottov) as before we were washed ; inasmuch 
as knowledge rises together with illumination, shining 


around the understanding; and we who were without 
learning (a|u,a9E'tV) are instantly stjled learners {jxa^rtral), 
this learning having at some former time been conferred 
upon us ; for we cannot name the precise time ; since 
catechetical instruction leads to faith, and faith is instruct- 
ed by the Holy Spirit in baptism," Our flesh is said to 
become precious, being regenerated by water. 

There is a very strong passage in the Paedagogue, lib. 1 . 
cap 6. which is not that we remember, quoted by Bishop 
Kaye. " Being baptized we are illuminated, being illumi- 
nated we are made sons, being made sons we are perfected, 
being perfected we are immortahzed. — This work is 
variously denominated ; grace, and illumination, and per- 
fection, and laver : laver, by which we wipe off sins ; grace, 
by which the penalties due to sins are remitted ; illumina- 
tion, by which that holy and salutary light is viewed, that 
is, by which we gaze on the Divine Being." Baptism is 
here supposed to be the instrument of illumination, 
remission, adoption, perfection, salvation; under which, 
jointly considered, must be comprehended all that con- 
cerns justification, though the name itself is not used. 

Dr. Waterland remarks that he had elevated sentiments 
of the Christian Eucharist, but such as require close 
attention to understand. He writes thus : 

" The Blood of the Lord is twofold, the carnal by which 
we are redeemed from corruption, and the spiritual by 
which we are anointed : to drink the Blood of Jesus is to . 
partake of our Lord's immortality. Moreover, the power 
of the Word is the Spirit, as blood is of the flesh. And 
correspondently, as wine is mingled with water, so is the 
Spirit with the man : and as the mingled cup goes for 
drink, so the Spirit leads to immortality. x\gain, the 
mixture of these two, viz. of the drink and of the Logos 
together, is called the Eucharist, viz. glorious and excel- 
lent grace, whereof those who partake in faith are sancti- 
fied, both body and soul. The Father's appointment 
mystically tempers man, a divine mixture, with the Spirit 
and the Logos : for, in very deed, the Spirit joins himself 


with the soul as sustained by him, and the Logos with the 
flesh, for which the Logos became flesh." What I have 
to observe, saj's Dr. Waterland, of these Hnes of Clemens, 
may be comprised in the particulars here following. 

1. The first thing to be taken notice of, is the twofold 
Blood of Christ: by which Clemens understands the 
natural blood shed upon the cross, and the spiritual blood 
exhibited in the Eucharist, namely, spiritual graces, the 
unction of the Holy Spirit, and union with the Logos, 
together with what is consequent thereupon. As to parallel 
places of the Fathers, who speak of the anointing in the 
Eucharist, with the Blood of Christ through the Spirit, the 
reader may consult Mr. Aubertine ; or Bishop Fell in his 
notes upon Cyprian. St. Jerome seems to have used 
the like distinction with Clemens between the natural 
and spiritual Body and Blood of Christ. If we would 
take in all the several kinds of our Lord's Body, or all 
the notions that have gone under that name, they amount 
to these four. 1. His natural body, considered first as 
mortal, and next as immortal. 2. His typical, or sym- 
bolical body, viz. the outward sign in the Eucharist. 
3. His spiritual body, in or out of the Eucharist, viz. 
the thing signified. 4. His mystical body, that is. His 
Church. But I proceed. 

■2. The next observation to be made upon Clemens is, 
that he manifestly excludes the natural body of Christ 
from being literally or locally present in the Sacrament, 
admitting only the spiritual ; which he interprets of the 
Logos and of the Holy Spirit, one conceived more parti- 
cularly to sanctify the body, and the other the soul, and 
both inhabiting the regenerate man. Which general doc- 
trine, abstracting from the case of the Eucharist, is founded 
in express Scripture, and may by just and clear conse- 
quence be applied to the Eucharist, in virtue of the words 
of the institution, and of John vi. and other texts, besides 
the plain nature and reason of the thing. 

3. Another thing to be observed of Clemens is, that as 


he plainly rejects any corporal and local presence, sr) does 
he as plainly reject the low notions of the figurists, or 
memorialists ; for, no man ever expressed himself more 
strongly in favour of spiritual graces conveyed in the 

4. It may be farther noted, which shows our author's 
care and accuracy, that he brings not the Logos and tloly 
Spirit so much upon the elements, as upon the persons, 
viz. the worthy receivers, to sanctify them both in body 
and soul. He does indeed speak of the mixture of the 
wine and the Logos ; and if he is to be understood of the 
personal, and not vocal. Word, he then supposes the 
Eucharist to consist of two things, earthly and heavenly, 
just as Iremeus before him did : but even upon that sup- 
position, he might really mean no more than that the com- 
municant received both together, both at the same instant. 
They were only so far mixed, as being both administered 
at the same time, and to the same person, receiving the 
one with his mouth, and the other with his mind, strength- 
ened at once in body and in soul. Clemens, in another 
place, cites part of the institution, by memory perhaps, as 
follows : "He blessed the wine, saying, Take, drink ; this 
is my Blood. This blood of the grape mystically signifies 
the Word poured forth for many, for the remission of sins, 
that holy torrent of gladness." Three things are obser- 
vable from this passage : one, that the wine of the Euchar- 
ist, after consecration, is still the blood of the grape: 
another, that it is called the Blood of Christ, or Blood of 
the Logos, (as Origen also styles it,) symbolically signify- 
ing and exhibiting the fruits of the passion : lastly, that 
those fruits are owing to the union of the Logos with the 
suffering humanity. These principles all naturally fall in 
with the accounts I have before given." 

Clemens' woi'ks were published, with a Latin transla- 
tion, by J. Potter, 2 vols, folio, Oxford, 1715 ; and also at 
Wurzburg, 3 vols. 8vo. 1780. — Works. Eusebius. Kaye. 
Cave. Waterland. hardner. 



It will be unnecessary to state all that is said of this 
apostolical father in Tillemont and Cave, since the facts 
they state, as is admitted by the learned writers them- 
selves, are of questionable authority. In truth, very little 
is known of Clemens or Clement, except that he is the 
same Clement of whom St. Paul speaks as one of his 
fellow labourers, (Phil. iv. 8.) whose names are in the 
book of life. Origen, Eusebius, and others of the ancients 
assert this as a fact of which there was no doubt. St. Ire- 
naeus assures us that at least he saw the Apostles, that he 
conversed with them, and when he was made Bishop of 
Rome, the sound of his preaching was still, as it were, 
ringing in his ears ; that he always placed before his eyes 
the rules which they had given him and the example of 
their behaviour. It is also certain that he was Bishop of 
Rome. But there is much difficulty in settling the succes- 
sion of the first Bishops of that see. Bishop Pearson 
supposes, that Clemens was Bishop of Rome from the 
year of our Lord 69, or 70, to the year 83, the second of 
Domitian : Pagi, that Clemens succeeded Linus in 61, 
and sat in the see of Rome till 77, when he abdicated, 
and died long after a martyr in the year 100. Those 
learned men, who place the bishopric of Clemens so early, 
or that suppose he might write this epistle before he was 
Bishop, (as Dodw^ell,) usually place it before the destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem. Archbishop Wake concludes, that thi^ 
epistle was written shortly after the end of the persecution 
under Nero, between the 64th and 70th year of Christ. Le 
Clerc places it in the year 69, and Dodwell in 64. Dupin, 
Tillemont, and others think, he was not Bishop till the 
year 91 or 93. This is the more common opinion, and is 
agreeable to the sentiments of Irenseus, Eusebius, and 
others, the most ancient Christian writers. Of the former 
of two epistles ascribed to him, Clemens is universally 
regarded as the author. The epistle is written in the 
name of the whole Church of Rome to the Church of 


Corinth. And therefore it is called at one time the epistle 
of Clemens, and at another the epistle of the Romans to 
the Corinthians. The main design of it is to compose 
some dissensions, which there were in the Church of 
Corinth about their spiritual guides and governors, which 
dissensions seem to have been raised by a few turbulent 
and selfish men among them. Upon this occasion Cle- 
mens recommends not only concord and harmony, but 
love in general, humility, and all the virtues of a good life, 
and divers of the great articles and principles of religion. 
The style is clear and simple. It is called by the ancients 
an excellent, an useful, a great and admirable epistle. 
And the epistle still in our hands deserves all these com- 
mendations : though not entire, there being some pages 
wanting in the manuscript of it : and though we have but 
one ancient manuscript of it remaining. 

Tillemont observes that Photius finds fault with three 
things in this epistle to the Corinthians ; one is, that 
St. Clemens supposes certain worlds lying beyond the 
ocean ; another, that he tells the story of the Phoenix as 
real matter of fact ; and the third, that he only uses such 
w^ords as shew the humanity of Jesus Christ, calling Him 
High Priest and our Head, but saying nothing of Him 
great and noble, or that expresses His divinity 

The first of these remarks should give us no great 
trouble, since we know assuredly what the ancients ad- 
vanced only with uncertainty. For that expression cited 
by St. Jerome, St. Clement of Alexandria, and Origen, 
signifies, according to the last, nothing but what we call 
the Antipodes. As to the Phoenix, if it is a fault in 
St. Clemens to mention it, it is common to him with 
many very considerable authors, both Christian and 
Pagan. St. Cyril of Jerusalem cites this passage without 
having anything to say against it. With regard to the 
third point, it would be sufiicient to justify St. Clemens, 
to consider that as Photius acknowledges himself, he says 
nothing but what is agreeable to the faith of the Church 
upon the divinity of Jesus Christ : to which we may add, 


that according to St. Athanasius, it was the custom of the 
Apostles to speak more commonly of our Saviour's 
humanity than of His divinity. But even in this epistle 
there is mention made of the sufferings of God, which 
Photius probably did not observe, and which is sufficient 
to condemn at once both Arianism and the heresy of 

This primitive Bishop of Eome did not arrogate to 
himself papal power; if he had pretended to any such 
power as that which the popes of Rome now assume, he 
would have issued his commands to the Church of 
Corinth, whereas he merely ventures to give them advice, 
and that not in his own name, but in the name of the 
Church, the address of the epistle being, " The Church 
of God which is at Rome to the Church of God which is 
at Corinth, elect, sanctified, by the will of God, through 
Jesus Christ our Lord ; grace and peace from Almighty 
God by Jesus Christ be multiplied upon you." 

" If," says a modern writer, " the claims of authority be 
well grounded, they will, of course, be highest when nearest 
to their source : yet upon this supposition how unaccount- 
able is the conduct of Clemens and the Church of Rome. 
We have here the first instance upon record in which that 
Church thought proper to interpose in the religious con- 
cerns of its brethren. It might, therefore, have been ex- 
pected, that the Bishop of Rome should have begun with 
asserting his own sovereign authority over the Corinthian 
and all other Churches ; should have required implicit 
obedience to his mandates; and, in case of non-compliance, 
denounced the rebellious assembly cut off from the body 
of the faithful : yet, as if it were intended by Providence, 
that the first known interposition of a Roman pontiff in 
the affairs of another Church should remain as a lesson of 
humility, or a reproof of arrogance to his successors, the 
evangelical author of this epistle seems purposely to ex- 
tenuate his authority even over his own people ; merges 
even his own name in that of his Church ; and though he 
reproves the misconduct of the Corinthians with freedom, 


and even with dignity, yet it is only with the freedom of 
a benevolent equal, and the dignity of a grieved friend. 
But above all, humility and patience are conspicuous : no 
'holy rage,' no zeal calling for judgments, no asperity of 
reproach : but prayers and intreaties, or, at most, expostu- 
lations and arguments, constituted, at that time, the spi- 
ritual weapons of the Roman Church." 

Dr. Waterland shews that he holds the view of justi- 
fication by faith as retained in the Church of England, 
in opposition to the Trentine doctrine. Clemens says : 
" They (the ancient Patriarchs) were all therefore greatly 
glorified and magnified ; not for their own sake, or for 
their own works, or for the righteousness which they them- 
selves wrought, but through His good pleasure. And we 
also being called through His good pleasure in Christ 
Jesus, are not justified by ourselves, neither by our own 
wisdom, or knowledge, or piety, or the works which we 
have done in holiness of heart, but by that faith by which 
Almighty God justified all from the beginning." " Here," 
remarks Dr. Waterland, "it is observable, that the word 
faith does not stand for the whole system of Christianity, 
or for Christian belief at large, but for some particular 
self-denying principle by which good men, even under the 
patriarchal and legal dispensations, laid hold on the mercy 
and promises of God, referring all, not to themselves or 
their own deservings, but to divine goodness, in and 
through a Mediator. It is true, Clemens elsewhere, and 
St. Paul almost every where, insists upon true holiness of 
heart and obedience of life, as indispensable conditions of 
salvation, or justification ; and of that, one would think 
there could be no question among men of any judgment 
or probity : but the question about conditions is very 
distinct from the other question about instruments ; and 
therefore both parts may be true, viz. that faith and obedi- 
ence are equally conditions, and equally indispensable 
where opportunities permit ; and yet faith over and above 
is emphatically the instrument both of receiving and 
holding justification, or a title to salvation." 


St. Clemens asserts the doctrine of apostolical succession 
thus, " The Apostles have preached to us from our Lord 
Jesus Christ; Jesus Christ from God. Christ, therefore, 
was sent bj God ; the Apostles by Christ, Both missions 
were in order, according to the will of God. Having, 
therefore, received their commission, being thoroughly 
assured of the resurrection of our Lord, and believing in 
the Word of God, with the fullness of the Holy Spirit, 
they went abroad, declaring that the kingdom of God was 
at hand. Thus they travelled through different countries 
and cities, and appointed the first-fruits of their ministry, 
after they had proved them by the Spirit, to be bishops 
and deacons over those who should afterwards believe. 

" The Apostles themselves were informed by our Lord 
Jesus Christ, that contentions would arise concerning the 
ministry. On this account, therefore, they not only them- 
selves ordained ministers, as we have before mentioned ; 
but also gave directions that on their decease, other chosen 
and approved men should succeed them. We cannot, 
therefore, but think it unjust to eject such persons from 
the ministry as were ordained (with the approbation of the 
whole Church) either by the Apostles or holy men succeed- 
ing them ; who have ministered to the tlock of Christ in 
a humble, peaceable, and disinterested manner, and for a 
series of years have been well reported of by all. For 
surely it is a sin of no small magnitude to dismiss from 
that office such blameless and holy pastors ! Happy are 
those presbyters, who have already finished their course, 
and died in the fruitful discharge of their labours; they 
have now no reason to fear that any one should remove 
them from the place appointed for them. But, alas ! we 
learn that you have ejected some excellent ministers, 
whose blameless lives were an ornament to their profession. 
Ye are contentious, brethren, and zealous for things which 
belong not to salvation. Search the Scriptures, the faith- 
ful records of the Holy Spirit. There you find that good 
men were persecuted indeed, but by the wicked ; were 
imprisoned, but by the unholy ; were stoned, but by trans- 


gressors ; were murdered, but by the profane, and by such 
as were unjustly incensed against them. Let us, there- 
fore, unite ourselves to the innocent and righteous, for 
they are God's elect. 

" Why are there strifes, angers, divisions, schisms, and 
contentions, among you ? Have you not all one God, and 
one Christ? Is not one Spirit of grace poured out upon 
us all, and one calling of Christ bestowed upon us all ? 
Why then do we rend and tear the members of Christ, 
and excite seditions in our own body? Your schism 
has perverted many, has discouraged many, has staggered 
many. It has caused grief to us all ; and, alas ! it con- 
tinues still." 

As the nature of this epistle is practical, no very regular 
or precise statement of doctrine is to be expected. Still, 
however, the essential doctrines of revelation are clearly 
exhibited. He thus, for instance, plainly states his senti- 
ments respecting redemption by the atonement of Cluist. 
" Let us look steadily at the Blood of Christ, and see how 
precious His Blood is in the sight of God ; for on account 
of its being shed for our salvation, the grace of repentance 
is provided for all mankind." In the following passage 
we have the infinite condescension of Christ stated as 
a ground for enforcing Christian humility. " Our Lord 
Jesus Christ, the sceptre of the majesty of God, came not 
in the pomp of pride and ostentation, though he could 
have done so, but in humihty. You see, brethren, the 
example He afforded us. If the Lord thus humbled 
Himself, how should we too demean ourselves, who are 
brought by Him under the yoke of His grace." 

There are extant fragments of a second epistle of 
Clemens, which, however, the best critics consider to be 
spurious. It breaks off abruptly in the middle of the 1 2th 
chapter, and there is no evidence of its having been writ- 
ten to the Corinthians. Both epistles were found at the 
end of the New Testament in a MS. brought from Alexan- 
dria, and were published by Patrick Junms : Sancti Cle- 
mentis Romani ad Corinthios Epistolae duie expressae ad 


Fidem MS. Cod. Alexandrini, Oxford, 1633 ; and again 
by H. Wotton, Cambridge, 1718. An edition of all Cle- 
mens' works, genuine and spurious, was published with 
learned commentaries by Cotelerius, in his collection of 
Patres Apostol., Paris, 167'2 : and again by Le Clerc, 
Amst. 1698. 

Archbishop Wake remarks that there is not any less 
controversy among learned men concerning the death 
of St. Clemens, than there has been about the order and 
time of bis succession to his bishopric. That be lived 
in expectation of martyrdom, and was ready to have 
undergone it, should it have pleased God to have called 
bim to it, the epistle we are now speaking of suffi- 
ciently shews us. But that he did glorify God by those 
particular sufferings which some have pretended, is a 
matter of some doubt. For, first it must be acknowledged 
that Ruffinus is one of the first authors we have that 
speaks of him as a martyr. Neither Eusebius (who is 
usually very exact in his observation of such things), nor 
any of the fathers yet nearer his time, as Irenaeus, Cle- 
mens Alexandrinus, Tertullian, &c. take any notice of it. 
And for the account which some others have yet more 
lately given us of the manner of his death, besides that 
in some parts it is altogether fabulous, it is not improba- 
ble but that, as our learned Mr. Dodwell has observed, 
the first rise of it may have been owing to their confound- 
ing Flavins Clemens, the Roman consul, with Clemens 
Bishop of Rome ; who did indeed suffer martyrdom for 
the faith about the time of which they speak, and some 
other parts of whose character, such as his relation to the 
Emperor and banishment into Pontus, they manifestly 
ascribe to him. 

However, seeing Eusebius refers his death to the third 
year of Trajan, famous for the persecution of the Church, 
and may thereby seem to insinuate that Clemens also then 
suffered among the rest ; and that Simeon Metaphrastes 
has given a long and particular account of his condem- 

V<»J, IV. L 

110 CLERC. 

nation, to the mines first, and then of his death following 
thereupon ; as I shall not determine anything against it, 
so they who are desirous to know what is usually said 
concerning the passion of this holy man, may abundantly 
satisfy their curiosity in this particular, from the accurate 
collection of Dr. Cave, in the life of this Saint, too long to 
be transcribed into the present discourse. — S8. Patrum 
Ajjostolicorum ojMra Genuina Cura Hicliardi Bussell, 
Eusebius. Irenaus.. Tillemont. Cave. Cotelerius. Wake. 


John le Cleec was born at Geneva in 1657, and early 
displayed his talents, having read all the best Latin and 
Greek authors in his sixteenth year, and in 1676 he 
commenced his theological studies, with the lectures of 
Mestrezat, Turretin, and Tronchin. In 1678 he went to 
Grenoble, whence he returned in 1679 to Geneva, and 
was ordained, but without attaching himself to any par- 
ticular Church. He now studied the works of Curcellaeus 
and Episcopius, and adopted a system of divinity so 
different from that publicly received at Geneva, that he 
resolved to return to Grenoble. He then went to Paris, 
and thence to London, where he arrived in May 1682. 
The climate of England not agreeing with him, he left it 
in 1683, in company wdth Gregorio Leti, whose daughter 
he afterwards married, and embarked for Holland ; and in 
1684 w^as chosen professor of philosophy, belles lettres, and 
Hebrew, in the Remonstrant college at Amsterdam, which 
post he held as long as he lived. He wrote a vast number 
of books, of very unequal merit, on all sorts of subjects. 
Those which made most impression at the time concern 
Biblical history and theological controversy, such as Latin 
Commentaries on various Books of the Bible, 5 vols, folio, 
Amsterdam, 1710 — 1731 ; Harmonia Evangelica, in Greek 
and Latin, folio, 1700 ; Traduction du Nouveau Testa- 


ment, avec des Notes, 4to, 1703. These works pleased 
neither the Roman Catholic nor Protestant divines, from 
their having a tendency to Socinianism, a leaning which 
is still more manifest in another work generally attri- 
buted to him, entitled Sentimens de quelques Theologiens 
de Hollande touchant I'Histoire Critique du Vieux Tes- 
tament, followed by a Defence of the same work, 2 vols, 
8vo, 1685. In these the author openly attacks the 
inspiration of the Scriptures, and the very foundation of 
Revelation. He published his Ars Critica, 3 vols, 8vo, 
1712 — 1730, a work which is much esteemed; he also 
edited the Bibliotheque Historique et Universelle, a 
periodical begun in 1687, and closed in 1693, making 
26 vols, 12mo, the first eight of which he wrote in con- 
junction with De la Crose ; the Bibliotheque Choisie, 
1712 — 1718, 28 vols, 12mo; and the Bibliotheque An- 
cienne et Moderne, 1726 — 1730, 29 vols, 12mo. He also 
wrote: 1. Parrhasiana, ou Pensees diverses sur des 
Matieres de Critique, d'Histoire., de Morale, et de Poli- 
tique, 2 vols, 12mo, 1701. 2. Histoire des Provinces 
Unies des Pays Bas, from 1650 to 1728, 2 vols, folio, 
Amsterdam, 1738, 3. Histoire du Cardinal de Richelieu^ 
2 vols, 12mo, 1714. 4. Traite de ITncredulite, 8vo, 1733; 
a clever work, in which he examines and discusses the 
various motives and reasons which occasion many to reject 
Christianity. He wrote many polemical works and 
pamphlets, most of which were tinged with bitterness and 
dogmatism ; this is especially apparent in his controver- 
sies with Simon, Cave, Bayle, and Burman. He also 
published a supplement to Moreri's Dictionary, and 
several editions of ancient classics ; among others, Livy, 
Ausonius, Sulpicius Severus, &c. His edition of Menan- 
der's and Philemon's fragments was severely criticised 
by Dr. Bentley. A Life of Erasmus, extracted from his 
letters, given in the Bibliotheque Choisie, has served as a 
basis for Jortin's Life of that illustrious scholar. He also 
edited the noble edition of the works of Erasmus, 10 vols, 
folio, 1703 — 1707. In 1728, while he was giving his 


lecture, Le Clerc suddenly lost the use of his speech 
through a paralytic stroke. His memory also failed him, 
and he lingered for some years in a state. bordering upon 
idiotcy. He died at Amsterdam, in 1736. — Moreri. 


Edward Cobden was educated at Trinity College, Oxford, 
from whence he removed to King's College, Cambridge, 
where he took his master's degree in 1713. He after- 
wards returned to his former college, and took there hia 
doctor's degree in 17'23. He became chaplain to Bishop 
Gibson, who gave him the rectories of St. Austin and 
St. Faith, London, Acton in Middlesex, a prebendary at 
St. Pauls, and the Archdeaconry of London. He is cele- 
brated for a sermon entitled, a Persuasion to Chastity, 
which he had the virtue and boldness to preach before the 
profligate court of George IL The sermon gave such 
offence, that he was deprived of his place of royal chap- 
lain, and was much distressed in circumstances before his 
death, which happened in 1764, aged 80. He published 
a volume of poems, and another of sermons. — Nichols'& 


John Cocceius was born at Bremen, in 1603, where he 
received his primary education ; he then went to Ham- 
burg, where he became acquainted with a learned Jew, 
and perfected himself in the Oriental languages, which 
he had begun to study at Bremen. Thence he went to 
Frankfort where he became professor of Hebrew in 1636. 
In 1649 he obtained the chair of theology at Leyden, 
where he continued till his death, having formed a school 
of theology which was long distinguished by his name. 
He was a profound Hebrew scholar, and, as Mosheim 
observes, he might have passed for a great man, had his 


vast erudition, his exuberant fancy, his ardent piety, and 
his uncommon appUcation to the study of the Scriptures, 
been under the direction of a sound and solid judgment. 
This singular man introduced into theology a multitude 
of new tenets and strange notions, which had never before 
entered into the brain of any other mortal, or at least had 
never been heard of before his time : for, in the first 
place, his manner of explaining the holy Scriptures was 
totally different from that of Calvin and his followers, 
departing entirely from the admirable simplicity that 
reigns in the commentaries of Calvin. Cocceius repre- 
sented the whole history of the Old Testament as a mirror, 
that held forth an accurate view of the transactions and 
events that were to happen in the Church under the dis- 
pensation of the New Testament, and unto the end of the 
world. He even went so far as to maintain, that the 
miracles, actions, and sufferings of Christ, and of His 
Apostles, during the course of their ministry, were types 
and images of future events. He affirmed, that by far 
the greatest part of the ancient prophecies foretold 
Christ's ministry and mediation, and the rise, progress, 
and revolutions of the Church, not only under the figure 
of persons and transactions, but in a literal manner, and 
by the very sense of the words used in these predictions. 
And he completed the extravagance of this chimerical 
system by turning with wonderful art and dexterity, into 
holy riddles and typical predictions, even those passages 
of the Old Testament that seemed designed for no other 
purpose than to celebrate the praises of the Deity, or to 
convey some religious truth, or to inculcate some rule of 
practice. In order to give an air of solidity and plausi- 
bility to these odd notions, he first laid it down as a 
fundamental rule of interpretation, " That the words and 
phrases of Scripture are to be understood in every sense 
of which they are susceptible ; or, in other words, that 
they signify, in effect, every thing that they can possibly 
signify ;" a rule this, which, when followed by a man who 



had more imagination than judgment, could not fail to 
produce very extraordinary comments on the sacred wri- 
tings. After having laid down this singular rule of inter- 
pretation, he divided the whole history of the Church into 
seven periods, conformable to the seven trumpets and seals 
mentioned in the Revelations. 

One of the great designs formed by Cocceius, was that 
of separating theology from philosophy, and of confining 
the Christian doctors, in their explications of the former, 
to the words and phrases of the Holy Scriptures. Hence 
it was, that, finding in the language of the sacred writers, 
the Gospel dispensation represented under the image of a 
covenant made between God and man, he looked upon 
the use of this image as admirably adapted to exhibit a 
complete and well connected system of religious truth. 
But while he was labouring this point, and endeavouring 
to accommodate the circumstances and characters of 
human contracts to the dispensations of divine wisdom, 
which they represent in such an inaccurate and imperfect 
manner, he fell imprudently into some erroneous notions. 
Such was his opinion concerning the covenant made be- 
tween God and the Jewish nation by the ministry and the 
mediation of Moses, " which he affirmed to be of the same 
nature with the new covenant obtained by the mediation 
of Jesus Christ." In consequence of this general prin- 
ciple, he maintained, "That the Ten Commandments were 
promulgated by Moses not as a rule of obedience, but as 
a representation of the covenant of grace — that when the 
Jews had provoked the Deity, by their various transgres- 
sions, particularly by the worship of the golden calf, the 
severe and servile yoke of the ceremonial law was added 
to the decalogue, as a punishment inflicted on them by 
the Supreme Being in his righteous displeasure — that 
this yoke, which was painful in itself, became doubly so 
on account of its typical signification ; since it admonished 
the Israelites from day to day, of the imperfection and 
uncertainty of tlieir state, filled them with anxiety, and 

COCHL^US. 115 

was a staniling and perpetual proof that they had merited 
the displeasure of God, and could not expect, before the 
coming of the Messiah, the entire remission of their trans- 
gressi'jns and iniquities — that, indeed, good men, even 
under the Mosaic dispensation, were immediately after 
death made partakers of everlasting happim ss and glory; 
but that they were, nevertheless, during the whole course of 
their lives, far removed from that firm hope and assurance 
of salvation, which rejoices the faithful under the dispensa- 
tion of the Gospel — and that their anxiety flowed naturally 
from this consideration, that their sins, though they 
remained unpunished, were not pardoned, because Christ 
had not, as yet, offered himself up a sacrifice to the Father 
to make an entire atonement for them." These are the 
principal lines that distinguish the Cocceian from other 
systems of thfology ; it is attended, indeed, with other 
peculiarities ; but we shall pass them over in silence, as of 
little moment, and unworthy of noti'je. Tliese notions 
were warmly opposed by the same i)ersons that declared 
war against the Cartesian philosophy ; and the contest 
was carried on for many years with various success. But, 
in the issue, the doctrines of Cocceius, like those of Des 
Cartes, stood their ground ; and neither the dexterity nor 
vehemence of his adversaries could exclude his disciples 
from the public seminaries of learning, or hinder them 
from propagating, with surprising success and rapidity, 
the tenets of their master in Germany and Switzerland. 
Cocceius died in 1GG9. — Moreri. Musheim. 


John Cochl^us was born at Nuremburg in 1479, and 
was the person who entered the lists most frequently by 
writing or word of mouth against Luther and Lutherans. 
With the exception of the fact, that from the year 1521 to 
the year 1550, his fruitful pen produced annually more 
than one tract in defence of Romanism, we know little of 

116 COCHL^US. 

his life. He was dean of Frankfort on the Maine when 
he made his appearance at Worms, in 1521. He had no 
summons to he present, hut was urged on by his zeal, and 
was introduced to Aleander, the pope's nuncio, who was 
not slow in discovering in him a devoted servant of Rome, 
on whom he could calculate as on himself. Not being 
able to be present at the audience which Luther was to 
have with the Archbishop of Treves, Aleander appointed 
Cochlseus to attend, enjoining him to hear what Luther 
had to say, but to enter into no discussion with him. He 
evidently doubted his discretion. Cochlaeus found it 
difficult to obey, but though from time to time he had 
thrown in a few words, he could not come forward as he 
wished. He resolved, however, to compensate himself, 
and had no sooner given an account of his mission to the 
papal nuncio, than he presented himself at Luther's lodg- 
ing. He accosted him as a friend, and expressed the 
grief which he felt at the Emperor's resolution. After 
dinner, the conversation grew animated. Cochlseus pressed 
Luther to retract. He declined by a nod. Several nobles, 
who were at table, had difficulty in restraining themselves. 
They were indignant that the partisans of Rome should 
wish not to convince the reformer by Scripture, but con- 
strain him by force. Cochlasus, impatient under these 
reproaches, says to Luther, " Very w^elb I offer to dispute 
publicly wdth you, if you renounce the safe-conduct." All 
that Luther demanded was a public debate. What ought 
he to do ? To renounce the safe-conduct was to be his 
ov^n destroyer ; to refuse the challenge of Cochlseus was to 
appear doubtful of his cause. The guests regarded the 
offer as a perfidious scheme of Aleander, whom the Dean 
of Frankfort had just left. Vollrat of Watzdorff, one of 
the number, freed Luther from the embarrassment of this 
puzzling alternative. This baron, who was of a boiling 
temperament, indignant at a snare which aimed at nothing 
less than to give up Luther into the hands of the execu- 
tioner, started up, seized the terrified priest, and pushed 
him to the door. There would even have been bloodshed 

COLE. 117 

had not the other guests risen up from the table, and 
interposed their mediation between the furious baron and 
the trembling Cochlseus, who withdrew in confusion from 
the hotel of the Knights of Rhodes. 

The expression had no doubt escaped the dean in the 
heat of discussion, and was not a premeditated scheme 
between him and Aleander to make Luther fall into a 
perfidious snare. Cochlaeus denies that it was, and we 
have pleasure in giving credit to his testimony, though it 
is true he had come to Luther's from a conference with 
the nuncio. 

His works are said to be of little worth ; the protestants 
represent him to be ignorant as to his facts, and it is assert- 
ed that he resorted to declamation rather than argument. 
The mere titles of his writings would occupy many pages; 
they may be found in the Bibliotheque de Boissard, part ii. 
In 1539 he received from England a refutation by Richard 
Morrison, D.D., of the tract he had published against the 
marriage of Henry VIII. , to which he replied in a treatise 
entitled, The Broom of John Cochlaeus for sweeping 
down the Cobwebs of Morrison. He defends what he had 
written against the divorce of Henry VIII., and boasts 
that Erasmus had approved his work. His chief works are, 
1. Historiae Hussitarum, Libri xii, folio. 2. De Actis et 
Scriptis Lutherii, ab anno 1517, ad 1546, folio. 3. Spe- 
culum antiquce devotionis circa Missam, 8vo. 4. De Vita 
Theodorici Regis quondam Ostrogothorum, Stockholm, 
1699, 4to. 5. Consilium Cardinalium anno 1538, 8vo, 
6. De Emendanda Ecclesia, 1539, 8vo. He died in 155'2. 
— MorerL Fraheri Theatrum. D'Auhigne. 


Heney Cole was born at Godshill, in the Isle of 
Wight, and educated, we are sorry to say, at Winchester, 
whence he was removed to New College, Oxford, of 
which he became perpetual fellow in 1523. After study- 

118 COLE. 

ing the civil law, he travelled into Italy, and studied 
at Padua. In 1540 he resigned his fellowship, and 
settled in London, and became an advocate in the court 
of arches, prebendary of Yatminster Secunda, in the 
church of Sarum, and Archdeacon of Ely. In 1540 he 
was made rector of Chelmsford, in Essex ; and in October 
following was collated to the prebend of Holborn. In 
1542 he was elected warden of New College; and in 
] 545 made rector of Newton Longville, in Buckingham- 
shire. Soon after, when King Edward VI. came to 
the crown. Dr. Cole adhered to the party of the reformers, 
but altering his mind, he resigned his preferments. 
After Queen Mary's accession he became again a zealous 
Roman Catholic, and in 1554 was made provost of Eton 
College, in the room of Sir Thomas Smith. He was also 
one of the disputants against Archbishop Cranmer, who 
was sent down by the lower house of convocation to 
Oxford; and when the death of Cranmer was resolved 
upon. Cole received instructions privately from the Queen 
to preach at his burning. On arriving at Oxford, Cole 
visited the Archbishop, but did not mention what awaited 
him on the morrow. He asked, " Have you continued in 
the Catholic faith, wherein I left you?" Cranmer an- 
swered ; " By God's grace, I shall be daily more confirmed 
in the Catholic faith ;" an evasive reply, such, indeed, as 
might have been expected from the Archbishop under his 
existing circumstances, but certainly not sufficiently ex- 
plicit for the satisfaction of his interrogator. On the 
following morning, it being Saturday, the 21st of March, 
Cole visited the prisoner again, and enquired of him 
whether he had any money ? A negative answer being 
returned, fifteen crowns were given to him. The provost 
also exhorted him to constancy in the faith, and he, pro- 
bably, acquainted him that a public profession of his 
opinions was about to be required from his lips. When, 
the next day the unhappy Archbishop was brought to 
St. Mary's church. Cole began his sermon, he assigned 
several reasons why, in the present instance, a heretic 

COLE. 119 

■who had repented, should, notwithstanding, expiate his 
offence at the stake. "The prisoner, he said, was the chief 
cause of recent alterations in rehgion ; he had irregularly 
divorced King Henry from Queen Catharine, not however 
of malice undoubtedly, but under the advice of various 
learned men ; he had written, disputed, and, in fine, 
exerted himself in every way to favour heresy, and, " had 
continued in it even to the last hour." No heretic, the 
preacher asserted, having so long maintained his 'errors, 
had ever been pardoned in England, unless in the time of 
the schism. It was besides, the congregation was told, 
necessary to use severity in this case, for the sake of 
example; and it was added, "there are other reasons 
which have moved the Queen and council to order the 
execution of the individual present, but which are not 
meet and convenient for every man's understanding." 
After some practical reflections addressed to the hearers, 
and bearing upon the case before them, the preacher 
exhorted Cranmer himself. He pressed upon his atten- 
tion several texts of Scripture suitable for inspiring him 
with patience under his approaching death ; he cited the 
case of the penitent thief in the Gospel, as an encourage- 
ment to him in believing that he should that day be with 
Christ in Paradise : he reminded him that the three 
faithful Jews, consigned to the fiery furnace by Nebuchad- 
nezzar, suffered not by the fury of the flames ; he then 
made a shew of strengthening this consolation by relating, 
from legendary lore, the patience of St. Andrew upon the 
cross, and of St. Laurence upon the gridiron. Finally, 
he glorified God in his conversion, assuring the people 
that great pains had long been taken ineffectually for that 
purpose, and that there appeared no hopes of success, 
until at last a merciful Diety reclaimed the sinner. Many 
flattering observations were then applied to Cranmer, the 
severity with which his acts had been described in a former 
portion of the sermon was greatly softened down, and he 
was assured that, after his death, masses and dirges should 
be chanted for the repose of his soul. An address was 


even directly made to the priests present, charging them 
thus to assist, during its detention in purgatory, the spirit 
now about to leave the world. 

The sermon being concluded, Cole intreated his hearers 
to pray for the prisoner. Immediately the whole congre- 
gation obeyed the call, and never did a large assembly 
exhibit more evident marks of earnest devotion. Some 
individuals. ^probably, supplicated the Father of mercies 
from a generous compassion for the sufferer before them ; 
but party-feelings lent fervency to the prayers of the con- 
gregation generally. The Romanist and Reformer equally 
claimed the victim as his own ; both, accordingly, felt 
deeply interested in the mitigation of his sufferings, and 
each of them clung to the hope that he would leave the 
world with a full avowal of adherence to his own peculiar 

The reader is referred to the liife of Cranmer for the 
sequel of this tragedy. Dr. Cole was prominent in all the 
proceedings of the Romanists in those dreadful times, and 
when he acted as one of the visitors of the University of 
Cambridge, Whitgift seems to have regarded his appoint- 
ment with fear. He became dean of St. Paul's in the 
December of 1556, and was made, August 8, 1557, vicar- 
general of the spiritualities under Cardinal Pole, Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury ; and the first of October following, 
official of the arches, and dean of the peculiars ; and in 
November ensuing, judge of the court of audience, which 
office the following year he resigned. In 1558 he was 
appointed one of the overseers of that cardinal's will. In 
the first year of Queen Elizabeth's reign he was one of 
the eight divines of the Church of England appointed to 
dispute publicly on the Romanizing side against eight 
others appointed to maintain the cause of the Reformation. 
Of this disputation Strype informs us that the Queen 
ordered it should be m.anaged in writing on both parties, 
for avoiding of much altercation in words and she ordered 
likewise, that the papists' bishops should first declare their 
minds, with their reasons, in writing; and then the others, 

COLE. 121 

if they had any thing to say to the contrary, should the 
same day declare their opinions. And so each of them 
should deliver their writings to the other, to be considered 
what were to be disproved therein ; and the same to declare 
in writing at some other convenient day. 

All this was fully agreed upon. And hereupon divers 
of the nobility and estates of the realm, understanding 
that such a meeting should be, made earnest means to 
her majesty, that the bishops and divines might put their 
assertions into English, and read them in that tongue, 
for their better satisfaction and understanding, and for 
enabling their own judgments to treat and conclude of 
such laws as might depend thereupon. And so both 
parties met at Westminster Abbey : the lords and others of 
the privy council were present, and a great part of the 
nobility and of the commons. But while all were in ex- 
pectation to hear these learned men and their arguments, 
the Bishop of Winchester, Dr. White, said, they were mis- 
taken, that their assertions and reasons should be written, 
and so only recited out of a book : adding, that their book 
was not then ready written ; but that they were ready to 
argue and dispute : and therefore that they would only at 
that time repeat in speech what they had to say to the 
first proposition. This, with some words, was passed off: 
and then the Bishop of Winchester and his colleagues 
appointed Dr. Cole, dean of St. Paul's, to be the utterer of 
their minds : who, partly by speech, and partly by reading 
authorities written, and at certain times being informed 
by the colleagues what to say, made a declaration of their 
meanings, and their reasons to their first proposition. 

Which being ended, they were asked by the privy 
council if any of them had any more to say. They said, 
No. Then the other part was licensed to shew their 
minds, which they did according to the first order; exhi- 
biting all that they meant to propound in a book written : 
which, after a prayer and invocation made to Almighty 
God, and a protestation to stand to the doctrine of the 


1-22 COLE. 

catholic Church built upon Scripture, was distinctly read 
by Dr. Horn (who was the penner of the same) upon the 
first proposition. And so the assembly was quietly dis- 
missed. This was on Friday, the last day of March. The 
question then disputed was, " That it was against the 
word of God, and the custom of the primitive Church, to 
use a tongue unknown to the people in common prayer 
and administration of Sacraments." 

When Monday, the second day of conference, came, 
and all the grave assembly were set. White, Bishop of 
Winchester, and the rest of that side, refused to proceed 
on the second question, but would by all means insist 
still upon the first, argued the last day ; and, pretending 
they had more to say of it, were resolved to read upon 
that argument only : urging much that they and their 
cause should suffer prejudice if they should not treat of 
the first. And Watson, Bishop of Lincoln, striving to 
have his turn of speaking, hotly said, that they were not 
used indifferently, that they might not be allowed to de- 
clare in writing what they had to say of the first question; 
and added, that what Dr. Cole spake in the last assembly 
was extempore, and of himself, and with no fore-studied 
talk, and that it was not prepared to strengthen their 
cause. These sayings made the nobility and others the 
auditors frown, knowing that Cole spake out of a paper 
which he held in his hand, and read in the same : and 
that according to the instructions of the bishops, who 
pointed unto several places in his paper with their fin- 
gers for his direction. Watson also complained that their 
adversaries had longer warning than they : and that they 
themselves had notice of it but two days before, and were 
fain to sit up the whole last night. But Bacon, the Lord 
Keeper, told them that at the last conference, when Cole 
had done, he asked them, the Bishops, whether what he 
had spoken was what they would have him say, and they 
granted it ; and whether he should say any more in the 
matter, and they answered, No. But for their satisfaction 

COLE. 123 

the Lord Keeper added, that they should at present, 
according to the order agreed upon, discourse upon the 
second question ; and at another meeting, when the day 
came for them both to confirm their first question, they 
should have liberty to read what they had further to say 
upon the first. To which all the council there present 
willingly condescended : but this also the Bishops would 
not be contented with. At last Hethe, Archbishop of 
York, told them they were to blame, for that there was a 
plain decreed order for them to treat at this time of the 
second question, and bade them leave their contention. 
Then the Bishops started another matter of quarrel, and 
said, it was contrary to the order in disputations that they 
should begin ; for that their side had the negative said 
the Bishop of Chester : and therefore they that were on 
the afiirmative should begin : that they were the defending 
party : and that it was the school manner, and likewise 
the manner in Westminster Hall, that the plaintiff should 
speak first, and then the accused party answer. To which 
the keeper told them, they began willingly on the first 
question ; and the protestants told them, that they had 
the negative then. Horn wondered that they should so 
much stand upon it, who should begin. Then the 
Bishops charged the protestants to have been the pro- 
pounders of the questions. But the keeper told them 
that the questions were of neither of their propounding, 
but offered from the council indifferently to them both. 
Then Bayne, Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, minding 
to run from the matter, began to question with the pro- 
testants, what church they were of ? saying that they 
must needs try that first : for there were many churches 
in Germany ; and he demanded of Horn, which of those 
churches he was of? who prudently answered, that he was 
of Christ's catholic Church. The keeper told them they 
ought not to run into voluntary talk of their own invent- 
ing. The Bishop of Lichfield said that they, on their 
part, had no doubt, but assuredly stood in the truth. 
But those other men pretended to be doubtful. There- 


fore they should first bring what they had to impugn 
them, the Bishops, withal. And the Bishop of Chester 
told the Lords plainly, if themselves began first, and the 
others spake after, then they speaking last should have 
the advantage to come off with applause of the people, 
and the verity on their side not be so well marked. And 
therein indeed he spake out the true cause of all this 
jangling. And hereupon Winchester in short said he 
was resolved, except they began, he would say nothing. 
When the Lord Keeper could not persuade them he spoke 
of departing. And Winchester, as though this was the 
issue he desired, presently cried. Contented, and offered to 
go. But the keeper first asked them man by man, to 
know their resolution, and they all, save one, Fecknam, 
Abbot of Westminster, utterly denied to read, without the 
other party began ; and some so very disorderly and 
irreverently as had not been seen in so honourable an 
assembly of the two estates of the realm, nobility and com- 
mons then assembled, besides the presence of the Queen's 

And so, without any more dispute, all was dismissed. 
But the Lord Keeper at parting said these words to them ; 
" For that ye would not that we should hear you, perhaps 
you may shortly hear of us." And so they did; for, for 
this contempt, the Bishops of Winchester and Lincoln 
were committed to the Tower of London ; and the rest, 
including Cole, and with the exception of the Abbot of 
Westminster, were bound to make their personal appear- 
ance before the council, and not to depart the cities of 
London and Westminster till their order. 

They were thus bound over until the Lords of the 
Council assessed them for the contempt committed against 
the Queen's majesty, as the obligation ran. Dr. Cole was 
fined in 1000 marks, though only 500 were levied upon 
him. It seems that he might have received the same 
gentle treatment which the otlier deprived dignitaries met 
with, had he not been of a restless and controversial tern- 
per, being, as Strype says, " more earnest than wise." 


He remained at liberty till May, 1560, when with some 
others he was sent to the Tower. How long he remained 
there we do not know, but in March, 1560, after the 
memorable challenge of Bishop Jewell, "that if any one of 
the leading articles of Romanism which he then rehearsed 
could be proved on the popish side by any sufficient 
authority, either of the Scripture, or of the old doctors, or 
of the ancient councils, or by any one allowed example of 
the primitive Church, and as they had borne the people 
in hand they could prove them by, he would be contented 
to yield to them, and to subscribe." 

He wrote a letter to him, offering to dispute with him 
by letter. Some letters passed between him and Jewell, 
in which, as Strype says, "it is evident how Cole shuffled 
and shifted off the main business, and nibbled at other 
bye matters. " But at length he privately, among his 
own party, scattered several copies of an answer, as he 
called it by way of letter to Jewell, to which Jewell printed 
a reply. 

In the month of June the same year he was summoned 
before the Queen's visitors at Lambeth. They demanded 
of him, whether that letter, that went abroad under his 
name, in answer to Jewell elect of Sarum, was his, and 
whether he would acknowledge it so, or no : and the 
rather, because it had gone abroad in all places, even to 
the Bishops own diocese, to discredit him in corners at 
his first coming. Cole answered, that it was his own : 
but that it was much abridged, and that the original was 
twice as much. Hereupon the Bishop blamed him after- 
wards, in his letter to him, " that he would so unad- 
visedly bestow his writings to others that had curtailed 
them ; and because many honourable and w^orshipful 
persons would gladly see what both said in print." The 
Bishop therefore had desired him, for the bettering of 
his own cause, to send hiin his own copy fully and 
largely, as he said he gave it out at the first ; that he 
might have no cause to think himself injured, if he an- 


126 COLET. 

swered one parcel of his letter, and not the whole. This 
the Bishop wrote to him from Shirborn, July 22, 1560. 
Cole never sent his copy, nor made answer one way or 
other ; and so the Bishop was fain to answer that paper 
that went about. 

The visitors at Lambeth, mentioned above, called there 
before them, besides Cole, many other popish divines, to 
swear to the supremacy : who refusing it, they took of them 
bonds for their good behaviour. 

Cole died in London, 1579. His writings were, 1. Dis- 
putation with Archbishop Cranmer and Bishoj) Pddley at 
Oxford, in 1554. 2. Funeral Sermon at the Burning of 
Dr. Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury. Both 
these are in Fox's Acts and Monuments. 3. Letters to 
John Jewell, Bishop of Salisbury, upon occasion of a 
sermon that the said Bishop preached before the Queen's 
majesty and her honourable council, anno 1560, London, 
i560, 8vo; printed afterwards among Bishop Jewell's 
works. 4. Letters to Bishop Jewell, upon occasion of a 
sermon of his preached at St. Paul's Cross on the second 
Sunday before Easter, in 1650. 5. An Answer to the 
first Proposition of the Protestants, at the Disputation 
before the Lords at Westminster. — Strype. Burnet. Fox. 


John Colet was born in the parish of St. Antholin, 
London, in the year 1466, and was the eldest son of 
Sir Henry Colet, knt. twice Lord Mayor, who had, besides 
him, one and twenty children. In the year 1483, he was 
sent to Magdalene College, in Oxford, where he spent 
seven years in the study of logic and philosophy, and took 
his degrees in arts. He was perfectly acquainted with 
Cicero's works, and no stranger to Plato and Plotinus, 
whom he read together, to the end that they might illus- 
trate each other's meaning. He studied also Dionysius 


and Origen. He was forced however to read these authors 
only in their Latin translations ; for at school he had no 
opportunity of learning the Greek tongue, nor at the 
university, when he went thither ; that language being 
then not only not taught, but thought unnecessary and 
even discouraged, in that seat of learning. Hence the 
proverb, Cave a Grsecis, ne fias Hasreticus, that is, " Be- 
ware of Greek, lest you become an heretic;" and it is well 
known, that when Linacer, Grocin, and others, afterwards 
professed to teach the Greek language in Oxford, they 
were opposed by a set of men who called themselves Tro- 
jans. Colet was also skilled extremely well in mathe- 
matics ; so that having thus laid a good foundation of 
learning at home, he went and travelled abroad, for farther 
improvement ; first to France, and then to Italy ; and 
seems to have continued in those two countries from the 
year 1403 to 1497. But before his departure, and indeed 
when he vras but two years standing in the university, he 
was instituted to the rectory of Denington, in Suffolk, to 
which he was presented by a relation of his mother, and 
which he held to the day of his death. 

Being arrived at Paris, he soon became acquainted with 
the learned there, with the celebrated Budaeus in parti- 
cular ; and was afterwards recommended to Erasmus. In 
Italy, he contracted a friendship with several eminent 
persons, especially with his ov.n countrymen Grocin, 
Linacer, Lilly, and Latimer; who were learning the 
Greek tongue, then but little known in England, under 
those great masters Demetrius, Angelus Politianus, Her- 
molus Barborus, and Pomponius Sabinus. He took this 
opportunity of improving himself in this language ; 
and having devoted himself to divinity, he read, while 
abroad, the best of the ancient fathers, particularly 
Origen, Cyprian, Ambrose, and Jerome. He looked some- 
times also into Scotus and Aquinas, studied the civil and 
canon law, made himself acquainted with the history and 
constitution of Church and State ; and for the sake of 
giving a polish to all this, did not neglect to read the 

128 COLET. 

English poets, and other authors of the belles lettres. 
During his absence trom England he was made a pre- 
bendary in the church of York, and installed by proxy 
upon the 5th of March, 1493 — 4. Upon his return in 
the year 1496, or 1497, he was ordained deacon in 
December, and priest in July following. He had, indeed, 
before he entered into orders, great temptations from his 
natural disposition, to lay aside study, and give himself 
up to gaiety ; for he was rather luxuriously inclined ; 
but he curbed his passions, and after staying a few 
months with his father and mother at London he retired 
to Oxford. 

Here he read public lectures on St. Paul's Epistles 
without stipend or reward : which being a new thing, drew 
a vast crowd of hearers, who admired him gi-eatly. And 
here began his memorable friendship with Erasmus, who 
came to Oxford about the end of the year 1497, which 
remained unshaken and inviolable to the day of their 
deaths. He continued these lectures through the years 
1497, 1498, 1499; and, in the year 1501, was admitted 
to proceed in divinity, or to the reading of the sen- 
tences. In the year 1504 he commenced doctor in 
divinity : and in May, 1505, was instituted to a prebend 
in St. Paul's, London The same year and month he was 
made dean of that church, without the least application of 
his own. 

The following account of him in his private character 
is given by Erasmus : — 

"The dean's table," says he, " which, under the name 
of hospitality, had before served too much to pomp and 
luxury, he contracted to a more frugal and temperate way 
of entertaining. And it having been his custom for many 
years to eat but one meal, that of dinner, he had always 
the evening to himself. When he dined privately with 
his own family he had always some strangers for his 
guests ; but the fewer, because his provision was frugal ; 
which yet was neat and genteel. The sittings were short ; 
and the discourses such as pleased only the learned and 

COLET. 129 

the good. As soon as grace before meat was said, some 
boy with a good voice read distinctly a chapter out of one 
of St. Paul's Epistles, or out of the Proverbs of Solomon. 
When he had done reading, the dean would pitch upon 
some particular part of it, and thence frame a subject 
matter of discourse ; asking either the learned, or such as 
were otherwise of good understanding, what was the 
meaning of this or that expression : and he would so adapt 
and temper his discourse, that though it was grave and 
serious, yet it never tired, or gave any distaste. Again, 
toward the end of dinner, when the company was rather 
satisfied than satiated, he would throw in another subject 
of discourse : and thus he dismissed his guests with a 
double repast, refreshed in their minds as well as bodies ; 
so that they always went away better than they came, and 
were not oppressed with what they had eat and drunk. 
He was mightily delighted with the conversation of his 
friends ; which he would some times protract till very late 
in the evening : but all his discourse was either of learn- 
ing or religion. If he could not get an agreeable com- 
panion, (for it was not every body he did like,) one of his 
servants read some part of the Holy Scriptures to him. 
In his journeys he would sometimes make me (says 
Erasmus) his companion ; and he was as easy and plea- 
sant as any man living : yet he always carried a book 
with him ; and all his discourse was seasoned with reli- 
gion. He was so impatient of whatsoever was foul and 
sordid, that he could not bear with any indecent or im- 
I)roper way of speaking. He loved to be neat and clean 
in his goods, furniture, entertainment, apparel, and books, 
and whatever belonged to him ; and yet he despised all 
state and magniiicence. His habit was only black; though 
it was then common for the higher clergy to be clad in 
purple. His upper garment was always of woollen cloth, 
and plain ; which, if the weather was cold, and required it, 
he lined with fur. Whatever came in by his ecclesiastical 
preferments he delivered to his stewai'd, to be laid out on 
family occasions or hospitality : and all that arose from 

130 COLET. 

his own proper estate, (which was very large,) he gave away 
for pious and charitable uses." 

Erasmus also informs us of his public character, that 
*' this excellent man, as if he had been called to the 
labours, not to the dignity of his office, restored the 
decayed discipline of his cathedral church, and brought in 
what was a new practice there, preaching himself upon 
Sundays and all solemn festivals. In which course of 
preaching, he did not take a desultory text out of the Gos- 
pel or Epistle for the day ; but he chose a fixed and larger 
subject, which he prosecuted in several successive dis- 
courses, till he had gone through the whole ; as suppose 
the Gospel of St. Matthew, the Creed, or the Lord's Prayer. 
And he had there always a full auditory ; and amongst 
others, the chief magistrates of the city." 

The frequent preaching of Dean Colet, in his own cathe- 
dral, set a good example to some other deans, to do the 
same good office in their respective churches : as particu- 
larly at Lichfield, Dr. Collingwood introduced the pious 
practice of preaching every Sunday : being the first and 
only preacher of all the deans there. 

We hear much in these days of the reverence shewn by 
the people before the Reformation, but the following quota- 
tion from an English book, printed at the latter end of 
Henry Vllth's reign will shew how profane and dissolute 
were the choir of St. Pauls at that period, and how much 
they needed reformation. 

" Certeyne of vycars of Poules dysposed to be merye on 
a Sondaye at hye masse tyme, sent another madde felowe 
of theyr acquayntance unto a folyshe dronken preest upon 
the toppe of the stayres by the chauncell dore, and spake 
to hym, and sayd thus, Syr, my maistre hath sent you a 
bottell to putt your drynke in, because ye can kepe none 
in your brayne. Thys preest beynge therewith very angrye, 
all sodenly toke the bottell, and with his fote flange it 
down into the bodye of the churche upon the gentylmennes 

Dean Colet was much disgusted with the state of mon- 

COLET. 131 

asteiies and the immoralities of the monks. He saw also 
the monstrous evils which result from the constrained 
celibacy of the clergy. He used to say he never found 
better or purer manners than among married men, whose 
natural affection for their wives and care of their own 
children and go^rnment of their own families, kept them 
within the bounds of moderation and chastity. Erasmus 
often referred to the wisdom of Dean Colet, when at a 
later period of life he founded his school, in preferring a 
married man for the master, and married men for the 
trustees and guardians of it. The constrained celibacy of 
the clergy had not only caused crimes and scandals of the 
most gross nature, but had actually lowered the tone of 
morals in religious men. Sir Thomas More (Apologia 
pro Erasmo) narrates that he heard a divine of his ac- 
quaintance maintain plus eum peccare qui unam domi 
concubinam quam qui decem foras meretrices haberet. 
And although Erasmus bears testimony to the purity of 
Colet's life, a fact which he speaks of as an exception to 
the general rule of the clergy ; yet he says he had a chari- 
table opinion of those priests and monks who were guilty 
of incontinence. " Not that he did not heartily abhor the 
sin, but because he found such men far less mischievous 
than others (if compared) who were haughty, envious, 
backbiters, hypocrites, vain, unlearned, wholly given to 
the getting of money and honour. Yet these had a 
mighty opinion of themselves ; whereas others, by acknow- 
ledging their infirmity, were made more humble and 
modest. He said, that to be covetous and proud was 
more abominable in a priest than to have an hundred 
concubines : not that he thought incontinence to be a light 
sin, but covetousness and pride to be at a greater distance 
from true piety. And he was not more averse to any sort 
of men, than such bishops who were wolves instead of 
shepherds ; and commended themselves by external ser- 
vice of God, ceremonies, benedictions and indulgences to 
the people, while with all their hearts they served the 
world, that is, glory and gain. He was not much dis- 

i:3'2 COLET; 

pleased with them who would not have images (either 
painted or carved, gold or silver) worshipped in churches ; 
nor with them, who doubted whether a notorious wicked 
priest could consecrate the Sacrament. Hereby not fa- 
vouriDg their error, but expressing his indignation against 
such clergymen, who by an open bad life gave occasion to 
this suspicion." 

His conduct exposed him to persecution from the 
Bishop of London, Dr. Fitzjames, who accused him to 
Archbishop Warham as a dangerous man, preferring at 
the same time some articles against him. But Warham, 
knowing the worth aijd integrity of Colet, dismissed him, 
without giviug him the trouble of putting in any formal 
answer. The Bishop, however, endeavoured afterwards to 
stir up the King and the court against him. 

Whatever his persecutions were, they did not prevent 
his making a noble stand against the existing abuses of 
the Church, and from calling for a reformation of the 
establishment, as may be seen from his sermon before the 
convocation at St. Paul's, in 1511. In that sermon, 
referring to the sins of the world, of which the pride of 
life is one, he says, " How much greediness and appetite 
of honour and dignity is seen now-a-days in clergymen ? 
How run they (yea almost out of breath) from one benefice 
to another, from the less to the greater, from the lower to 
the higher? Who seeth not this? And who seeing, 
sorroweth not? And most of those who are in these 
dignities carry their heads so high, and are so stately, 
that they seem not to be JDut in the humble bishopric of 
Christ, but rather in the high lordship and power of the 
world ; not knowing, or not minding, what Christ the 
master of all meekness said unto His disciples (whom He 
called to be bishops and priests :) The princes of the 
Gentiles exercise dominion over them, and those that be 
in authority have power; but do ye not so. Whosoever will 
be chief amongst you (highest in dignity) let him be your 
servant. The Son of Man came not to be ministered 
unto, but to minister. Mat. xx. 25, &c. By which words 

COLET. 133 

our Saviour doth plainly teach, that a prelacy in the 
church is nothing else but a ministration, that an high 
dignity in an ecclesiastical person ought to be nothing but 
a meek service. 

" The second secular evil is carnal concupiscence. And 
hath not this vice grown and increased in the Church so 
far, that in this most busy age, the far greater number 
of priests mind nothing but what doth delight and please 
their senses ? They give themselves to feasts and ban- 
queting, spend their time in vain babbling, are addicted 
to hunting and hawking ; and in a word, drowned in the 
delights of this world, diligent only in progging for those 
lusts they set by. Against which sort of men St. Jude 
exclaims in his epistle, saying, Wo unto them that have 
gone the way of Cain ; they are foul and beastly,. feasting 
in their meats, without fear feeding themselves, clouds of 
the wild sea, foaming out their own shame ; unto whom 
the storm of darkness is reserved for everlasting. 

" Covetousness is the third secular evil, which St. John 
calls the lust of the eyes, and St. Paul, idolatry. This 
abominable pestilence hath so entered into the minds of 
almost all priests, hath so blinded the eyes of their under- 
standing, that we see nothing but that which seems to 
bring unto us some gain. What other thing seek we 
now-a-days in the church, except fat benefices and high 
promotions ? And it were well if we minded the duty of 
those when we have them ; but he that hath many great 
benefices, minds not the office of one small one. And in 
these high promotions, what other thing do we pass upon, 
but only our tithes and rents ? We care not how vast 
our charge of souls be, how many or how great benefices 
we take, so they be of large value." 

In suggesting modes of reformation, he recommends 
especially the putting in force of existing canons : "Above 
all things," he says, "let the canons be rehearsed that 
appertain to you my reverend fathers and lord bishops, 
laws concerning your just and canonical election in the 
chapters of your churches, calling upon the Holy Ghost : 


134 COLET. 

for because those canons are not obeyed now-a-days (but 
prelates are chosen oftentimes more by the favour of 
men, than by the grace of God) hence truly it comes to 
pass, that we have not seldom bishops who have little 
spirituality in them, men rather worldly than heavenly, 
favouring more of the spirit of this world than the spirit 
of Christ. 

" Let the canons be rehearsed of the residence of bishops 
in their dioceses, which command that they look diligently 
to the health of souls, that they sow the word of God, that 
they shew themselves in their churches, at least on great 
holidays ; that they officiate in their own persons, and 
do sacrifice for their people ; that they hear the causes and 
matters of poor men ; that they sustain fatherless children 
and widows, and exercise themselves in works of virtue. 

" Let the canons be rehearsed concerning the right be- 
stowing of the patrimony of Christ; the canons which 
command that the goods of the church be spent not in 
costly building, not in sumptuous apparel and pomps, not 
in feasting and banqueting, not in excess and wantonness, 
not in enriching of kinsfolk, not in keeping of hounds ; 
but in things profitable and necessary for the Church." 

The persecutions he endured made him weary of the 
world, and he began to think of disposing of his effects, 
and of retiring. Having, therefore, a large estate, without 
any near relations, he resolved, in the midst of life and 
health, to consecrate all his property to some permanent 
benefaction. And this he performed by founding St. Pauls 
School, in London, of which he appointed William Lilly 
first master, in 1512. He ordained that there should be 
in this school a high master, a surmaster, and a chaplain, 
who should teach gratis 153 children, divided into eight 
classes ; and he endowed it with lands and houses, amount- 
ing then to £122. 4s. 7^d. per annum, of which endow- 
ment he made the Company of Mercers trustees. 

" The whole fabric," says Erasmus, "he divided into 
four parts : whereof one fat the entrance) is as it were for 
the catechumeni, (and yet none is admitted till he can 

COLET. 135 

read and write) the second for such as are under the usher. 
The third part is for those whom the upper master teach- 
eth. These two ends are divided by a curtain, which is 
drawn to and fro when they please. Above the master's 
chair stands the holy child Jesus, curiously engraven, in 
the posture of one reading a lecture, with this motto, 
Hear Him ; which words I advised him to set up. And 
all the young fry, when they come in and go out of school 
(besides their appointed prayers) salute Christ with an 
hymn. At the upper end is a chapel, in which divine 
service may be said. The whole building hath no corners 
nor lurking-holes for dunces, having neither chamber nor 
dining-room in it. Every boy has his proper seat dis- 
tinguished by spaces of wood, and the forms have thi-ee 
ascents. Every class containeth sixteen boys, (the two 
lowest much more,) and the best scholar of each sits in 
a seat somewhat more eminent than the rest, with the 
word CAPITANEUS engraven in golden letters over 
his head. 

" Our quick-sighted Dr. Colet saw very well, that the 
main hope and pillar of a commonwealth consists in fur- 
nishing youth with good literature, and thcjrefore did ho 
bestow so much care and cost on this school. Though it 
stood him in an infinite sum of money to build and endow 
it, yet he would accept of no co-partner. One left indeed 
a legacy of £100 sterling to the structure of it; but Colet 
thinking that if he took it, some lay-people would chal- 
lenge to themselves I know not what authority over the 
school, did by the permission of his Bishop bestow it 
upon holy vestments for the choir. Yet though he would 
sufifer no lay-men to have a finger in the building, he 
enti-usted no clergyman (not so much as the Bishop, 
Dean, and Chapter of St. Paul) nor any of the nobility, 
with the oversight of the revenues ; but some married 
citizens of honest report. When he was asked why he 
would do so, he answered, that there was nothing certain 
in human affairs ; but he found least corruption in such 

186 COLET. 

As all men highly commended him for his school, so many 
wondered why he would build a stately house for himself 
within the bounds of the Carthusian monastery, which is 
not far from the palace at Pdchmond : but he told them, 
that he provided that seat for himself in his old age, when 
he should be unfit for labours, or broken with diseases, 
and so constrained to retire from the society of men. 
There he intended to philosophize with two or three 
eminent friends, among which he was wont, says Erasmus, 
to reckon me ; but death prevented him. For being a few 
years before his decease, visited thrice with the sweating 
sickness, (a disease which seized no countrymen but 
English] though he recovered, yet he thereupon grew 
consumptive, and so died. One physician thought that 
the dropsy killed him ; but when he was dissected, they 
saw nothing extraordinary, only the capillary vessels of 
his liver were beset with pustules. He was buried in the 
south side of the choir, of his own cathedral, in a low 
sepulchre, which he to that end had chosen for himself 
some years before, with this inscription, John Colet. 

Besides his dignities and preferments already men- 
tioned, he was rector of the fraternity or guild of Jesus in 
St. Paul's cathedral, for which he procured new statutes 
and was chaplain and preacher in ordinary to Henry VIII. ; 
and, if Erasmus be correct, one of the privy-council. 
He wrote, — 1. Oratio habita a Doctore Johanne Colet, 
Decano Sancti Pauli, ad Clerum in Convocatioue, anno 
1511. 2. Eudimenta Grammatices a Joanne Coleto, 
Decano Ecclesias Sancti Pauli Londin. in Usum Scholae 
ab ipso Institutes, commonly called Paul's Accidence, 
1539, 8vo. 3. The construction of the Eight Parts of 
Speech, entitled Absolutissimus de Octo Orationis Partium 
Constructione Libellus ; which, with some alterations, 
and great additions, makes up the syntax in Lilly's Gram- 
mar, Antwerp, 1530, 8vo. 4. Daily Devotions or the 
Christian's Morning and Evening Sacrifice. 5. Monition 
to a godly Life, 1534, 1563, &c. 6. Epistolae ad Eras- 
mum — Erasmus. Knight. 



Jeremy Collier was born at Stow Qui, in Cambridge- 
shire, in 1650. He was educated under his father who 
was master of the free-school at Ipswich, whence, in 1GG9, 
he was sent to Cambridge, and admitted a poor scholar 
of Caius College. In 1676 he was ordained deacon by 
Gunning, Bishop of Ely; and priest the year after, by 
Compton, Bishop of London. He officiated for some time 
at the Countess-dowager of Dorset's, at Knowle, in Kent, 
whence, in 1679, he removed to the rectory of Ampton, 
near St. Edmunds Bury, in Suffolk ; but resigned it, and 
came to London in 1685, and was appointed lecturer of 
Gray's-Inn, but when the Revolution took place, he not 
only refused to take the oaths to the new government, but 
engaged as a zealous and active partisan, in support of the 
pretensions of the dethroned Monarch, and in defence of 
the conduct of his non-juring brethren. The first treatise 
he produced was. The Desertion discussed, in a Letter to 
a Country Gentleman, 1688, designed to counteract the 
influence of a pamphlet of Dr. Gilbert Burnet, the object 
of which was to show, that James 11. by his desertion of 
his people, particularly after the series of injustice aud 
violence by which his reign had been distinguished, ought 
no longer to be considered or treated with as King. For 
this Collier was confined for some months in Newgate ; 
whence he was afterwards liberated without being brought 
to a trial. He then published a Translation of the Ninth, 
Tenth, Eleventh, and Twelfth Books of Sleidan s Commen- 
taries, 4to, 1689; Vindiciee Juris Regii, or remarks upon 
a Paper entitled An Enquiry into the Measures of Sub- 
mission to the Supreme Authority, in 4to, in the same 
year; Animadversions upon the modem Explanation of 
2 Henry VII. cap. 1. or a King de facto, in the same 
year ; A Caution against Inconsistency, or the Connexion 
between Praying and Swearing, in relation to the Civil 
Powers, 4to, 1690; A Dialogue concerning the Times, 



between Philobelgus and Sempronius, in the same year ; 
a petition, on a half sheet, To the Right Honourable the 
Lords, and to the Gentlemen convened at Westminster, 
in the same year, for an Enquiry into the birth of the 
Prince of Wales ; Dr. Sherlock's Case of Allegiance con- 
sidered, with some Remarks upon his Vindication, in 
1691 ; and a Brief Essay concerning the Independency 
of Church Power, in 1692. By these publications, and 
by a suspicion that a journey undertaken by the writer to 
the coast of Kent, in 169*2, was with the design of main- 
taining a correspondence with the exiled King, the 
jealousy of the government w^as once more alarmed, and 
he was brought in the custody of messengers to London, 
where, after an examination before the Earl of Notting- 
ham, he was committed prisioner to the Gate-house, but 
was in a short time admitted to bail. 

Collier's conscience, however, reproached him, and he 
feared lest remaining in bail he should acknowledge the 
jurisdiction of the court in which the bail was taken, and 
consequently of the power from whence the authority of 
the court was derived, and therefore surrendered in dis- 
charge of his bail before Chief Justice Holt, and was com- 
mitted to the King's Bench prison. He was released again 
at the iatercession of friends, in a very few days ; but still 
attempted to support his principles and justify his con- 
duct by the following pieces, of which, it is said, there 
were only five copies printed : " The case of giving bail 
to a pretended authority examined, dated from the King's 
Bench, Nov. 23, 1692," with a preface, dated Dec. 1692; 
and, " a Letter to Sir John Holt," dated Nov. 30, 1692 ; 
and also, " A Reply to some Remarks upon the case of 
giving bail, &c., dated April, 1693." He wrote soon after 
this, " A Persuasive to consideration, tendered to the 
RoyaUsts, particularly those of the Church of England," 
1693, 4to. It was afterwards reprinted in 8vo, together 
with his vindication of it, against a piece entitled " The 
Layman's Apology." He wrote also, " Remarks upon the 


London Gazette, relating to the Streight's Fleet, and the 
Battle of Landen in Flanders," 1693, 4to. 

We come now to an incident in the life of Collier by 
which he was involved in much trouble, we allude to his 
absolution of Sir John Friend and Sir William Perkins, 
who were sentenced to death in 1096, for being implicated 
in a plot against the life of William III. The account of 
this proceeding is thus given by Collier himself. After 
his trial, Sir William Perkins, whom he had not seen for 
four or five years, sent for Collier, who visited him in 
Newgate. After two days he was not permitted to see the 
prisoner alone : and at length he was refused altogether, 
so that he did not see him from Wednesday, April 1, 
until Friday, at the place of execution. Sir William had 
spoken freely to Collier on the state of his mind, and 
desired that the absolution of the Church might be pro- 
nounced the last day. On Friday Collier was refused 
admittance to the prison : and therefore he went to the 
place of execution and gave the absolution there, since he 
was not allowed to give it elsewhere, using the Form in 
The Office for The Visitation of the Sick. 

So great an impression was made upon the public mind 
by the circumstance, that the two Archbishops and ten 
Bishops published a declaration against the practice : 
entitled : " A Declaration of the Sense of the Archbishops 
and Bishops now in and about London upon the occasion 
of their attendance in parliament, concerning the irregular 
and scandalous proceedings of certain clergymen, at the 
execution of Sir John Friend and Sir William Perkins." 
The document is somewhat curious, as expressive of the 
opinions of the Bishops respecting the schism, which had 
now occurred, A paper, or papers, had been delivered by 
the criminals to the sheriffs, which were afterwards printed 
and circulated, and in which Sir John Friend speaks of 
the Church of the nonjurors as the Church of England. 
The Bishops say, that they felt themselves obliged to 
express their sense of the conduct of the three clergymen. 
Alluding to Sir John Friend s expression, they remark of 


the Church of England, " that venerable name is, by the 
author of that paper, appropriated to that part of our 
Church which hath separated itself from the body ; and 
more particularly to a faction of them, who are so furiously 
bent upon the restoring of the late King, that they seem 
not to regard by what means it is to be effected." His 
words are as follows : 

" I profess myself, and I thank God I am so, a member 
of the Church of England, though, God knows, a most 
unworthy and unprofitable part of it, of that Church which 
suffers so much at present, for a strict adherence to the 
laws and Christian principles. 

For this I suffer, and for this I die." 

The Bishops add, that they conceive, that Sir William 
Perkins used the term in the same sense, " being assured 
(as we are by very good information) that both he and 
Sir John Friend had withdrawn themselves from our 
public assemblies some time before their death." They 
then proceed to arraign the conduct of the three clergymen. 
Collier, Snatt, and Cook : " For those clergymen, who 
took upon them to absolve these criminals at the place of 
execution, by laying, all three together, their hands upon 
their heads, and publicly pronouncing a form of absolu- 
tion; as their manner of doing this was extremely insolent, 
and without precedent, either in our Church or any other 
that we know of, so the thing itself was altogether irregular. 
The rubric in our office of the visitation of the sick, from 
whence they took the words they then used, and upon 
which, if upon anything in. our liturgy, they must ground 
this their proceeding, gave them no authority nor pretence 
for absolving these persons." They further state, that the 
rubric relates to sick persons who have made a confession; 
while these clergymen absolved notorious criminals, with- 
out even moving them to make a special confession of 
their sins, the parties themselves not desiring absolution. 
It is alleged, that the clergy, as they knew nothing of the 
state of mind in which the criminals were, could not 


absolve them, without a breach of the order of the Church. 
The Bishops also add, that the clergy, if they were aware 
of the sentiments of the criminals declared in their 
papers, must have viewed them as hardened impenitents, or 
martyrs. The Bishops consider the former supposition as 
quite out of the question : but they remark on the other, 
" If they held these men to be martyrs, then their absolv- 
ing them in that manner was a justification of those 
grievous crimes for which these men suffered, and an open 
affront to the laws both of Church and State." The 
Bishops then add, that they were moved by a desire to 
prevent the Church from being misunderstood ; and that, 
therefore, " we disown and detest all such principles and 
practices ; looking upon them as highly schismatical and 
seditious, dangerous both to the Church and State, and 
contrary to the true doctrine and spirit of the Christian 

To this Collier published a reply ; he regards their 
manifesto as an unsupported censure. In this jDaper he 
enters, at some length, on the defence of the practice of 
the imposition of hands, on the ground of its primitive 
use. To the charge, that no such ceremony is enjoined 
by the rubric, he replies : " true ; neither is there any 
prohibition. The rubric is perfectly silent both as to 
posture and gesture, and yet some circumstances of this 
nature must of necessity be used. Now since our Church 
allows the priest imposition of hands in another case, and 
does not forbid it in this, is it any harm if our liberty 
moves upward, and determines itself by general usage and 
primitive practice ?" Some " Animadversions'' on Collier's 
Two Papers were speedily published. They were written 
by Hody, and at the command of the Archbishop, 
Tennison. Collier, who seldom allowed an opponent to 
remain unanswered, was soon ready with a reply. The 
only point which it is necessary to notice, relates to the 
question of laying on of hands. The animadverter states, 
that the ceremony is not retained by the Church of 
England : and that consequently ministers should not 


make use of any, which are not positively enjoined. 
ColHer replies as follows. " His affirming that imposition 
of hands is not retained in the Church of England, will 
not hold generally speaking. For this ceremony is re- 
tained both in orders and confirmation : which is a suffi- 
cient argument of its being approved by the Church. But 
the Church does not retain it in her absolutions. I grant 
'tis not in the rubric for that purpose. And therefore, had 
it been used at the Daily Service or upon any solemn 
occasion regulated by the Church there might have been 
some pretence for exception ; but the rubric and act of 
uniformity, mentioned by the animadverter, provide only 
against innovations, in stated and public administrations. 
'Tis in Churches and Church appointments that the rubric 
condemns adding or diminishing. But this is none of the 
present case. For the Church has not prescribed us any 
ofjice for executions. Every priest is here left to his 
liberty, both as to office and gesture, to substance and 
ceremony. The devotion may be all private composition, 
if the confessor pleases. And when out of respect to the 
Church, he selects any part of her liturgy, though the 
form is public, the choice and occasion are private, which 
makes it fall under another denomination. The selected 
office in this case, is like coin melted into bullion. The 
public impression is gone : and wath that the forfeitures 
for clipping and alloy are gone too : and the honest pro- 
prietor may add to the quantity, or alter the figure as he 
thinks fit. I confess had the Cliurch excepted against 
the imposition of hands in absolution : had she condemned 
the ceremony thus applied, and laid a general prohibition 
upon it : her members ought to govern themselves accord- 
ingly, and not to use it, so much as in private: but since 
the Church prescribes this rite in her rubric, and takes 
notice of it only by way of practice and approbation : when 
matters stand thus, I say, her non-prohibition implies 
allowance in private ministrations, and in cases no way 
determined by herself For pray what is liberty, but the 
absence of command, the silence of authority, and leaving 


things in their natural indifferency ? Thus the point was 
understood and practised by the famous Bishop Sanderson, 
upon one of the most solemn occasions, and in which 
himself was most nearly concerned. This eminent casuist 
about a day before his death, desired his chaplain, 
Mr. Pullin, to give him absolution : and at his performing 
that office he pulled of his cap, that Mr. Pullin might lay 
his hand upon his bare head." 

The government of course proceeded on the publication 
of the episcopal document, to persecute these clergymen, 
although it is difficult to say of what offence they had 
been guilty. Cook and Snatt were admitted to bail. 
Collier, however, refusing to give bail was outlawed ; and 
under this sentence he continued through life, because he 
refused to submit. But though outlawed and living in 
retirement, he continued to defend his cause by a variety 
of papers or pamphlets. 

When this affair was over. Collier employed himself in 
reviewing and finishing several miscellaneous pieces of 
his, which he published under the title of Essays upon 
several moral subjects. They consist of three volumes in 
8vo; the first of which was printed in the year 1697, the 
second in 1705, and the third in 1709. They are written 
with such a mixture of learning and wit, and in a style so 
easy and flowing, that notwithstanding the prejudice of 
party, which ran, as may easily be imagined, strong against 
him, they were generally well received, and have gone 
through many editicms since. It was the success of the first 
volume, which encouraged the author to add the other two. 
In the year 1698, he made an attempt to reform the 
stage, by publishing his Short View of the immorality and 
profaneness of the English stage, together with the sense 
of antiquity upon this argument, 8vo. This engaged him 
in a controversy with the wits of those times ; and Con- 
greve and Vanbrugh, whom, with many others, he had 
attacked very severely, appeared openly against him. The 
pieces he wrote in this controversy, besides the first 
already mentioned, were, his Defence of the Short View, 


being a reply to Mr. Congreve's Amendments, &c., and to 
the vindication of the author of the Relapse, 1699, 8vo. 
A second Defence of the Short View, being a reply to a 
book entitled, The Ancient and Modern stages surveyed, 
&c., 1700, 8vo : the book here replied to was written by 
Dr. Drake. Mr. Collier's Dissuasive from the play-house : 
in a letter to a person of quality, occasioned by the late 
calamity of the tempest, 1703, 8vo. A farther Vindication 
of the Short View, &c., in which the objections of a late 
book entitled, a Defence of Plays are considered, 1708, 8vo. 
In this controversy with the stage. Collier exerted himself 
to the greatest advantage ; and shewed, that a clergyman 
might have wit, as well as learning and reason, on his 
side. It is remarkable, that his labours here were 
attended with success, and actually produced repentance 
and amendment ; for it is allowed on all hands, that the 
decorum, which has been for the most part observed by 
the modern writers of dramatic poetry, is entirely owing 
to the animadversions of Collier. What Dryden said 
upon this occasion, will shew, that this observation is not 
made without sufficient foundation. " I shall say the less 
of Mr. Collier, because in many things he has taxed me 
justly ; and I have pleaded guilty to all thoughts and 
expressions of mine, which can be truly arraigned of 
obscenity, profaneness, or immorality, and retract them. 
If he be my enemy, let him triumph ; if he be my friend, 
as I have given him no personal occasion to be otherwise, 
he will be glad of my repentance. It becomes me not to 
draw my pen in the defence of a bad cause, when I have 
so often drawn it for a good one." 

His next publication was a translation of Moreri, of 
which the first two volumes were printed in 1701, the 
third, under the title of a "Supplement," in 1705, and the 
fourth, called an Appendix, in 1721. About 1701 he pub- 
lished a translation of the meditations of Marcus Antoni- 
nus. In the year 1708 was published the first volume of 
that work so often quoted in the present publication, his 
" Ecclesiastical History." The second appeared in 1714. 


It is distinguished by its bold impartiality as to facts, and 
by its determined and thoroughly Anglican character as to 
principles. He never fears to declare his principles, but 
in giving his facts, he would rather listen to the assertions 
of an opponent, than take for granted the declarations of a 
partizan. The work being a valuable one, was of course 
attacked. Bishop Nicholson and Bishop Kennet, parti- 
sans of the Revolution, were his opponents, but Collier 
was more than a match for them. 

Before the publication of the second volume, in the 
year 1713, Collier had been consecrated to the episcopal 
oflSce among the Nonjurors, and after the death of the 
justly celebrated Hickes, he became the most distinguished 
of their prelates, until the body separated into two sections 
in consequence of the controversy relating to the usages ; 
an account of which shall be given from Lathbury, to 
whom the reader has been already indebted. 

The controversy did not spring up till after the death of 
Hickes : but similar views, with those entertained by the 
advocates for alterations, had been advanced in his Chris- 
tian Priesthood, which may have had some influence in 
the disputes. It is remarkable, that the men, who depre- 
cated any changes in 1C89, should have been the first to 
alter the Communion Service. They actually split upon 
the very rock, that of alterations, which by the good Provi- 
dence of God, the Church had avoided — and avoided too 
by the opposition of the very men, who now advocated the 
change. Any material alterations at the Revolution 
might have endangered the Church : aud the changes 
made by some of the Nonjurors weakened them so much, 
as a party, that they never assumed so compact a form 
after this period. The divisions, indeed, which now 
sprang up, may be assigned as the remote cause of their 

The Communion Ofiice, in the First Book of King 
Edward, A. D. 1549, differed, as is well known, from that 
of the second, and of all our succeeding books, in several 

VOL. IV. p 


particulars. Certain practices and several petitions were 
kid aside, when the book was revised in 1552. In the 
year 1717, when this dispute commenced, a reprint of the 
first Communion Book was published by the Nonjurors, 
wlio wished to adopt the usages, which were rejected when 
the book was reviewed. 

Collier took the lead in this controversy. Hickes had 
expressed his preference of the fiirst Communion Book, 
but during his life no formal proposal was made by Collier 
to publish a new book. In the year 1717, appeared the 
" Reasons for Restoring Some Prayers, d-c.'' The work was 
published by Morphew, who was the printer of the Com- 
munion Office : from which circumstance, we may infer 
the probability, that Collier, or one of the Nonjurors, w^as 
the originator of the latter. 

This tract was written in a candid and moderate tone. 
The author enters very abruptly upon his work : for the 
\erj first sentence in the tract is the following : " The 
rubric orders the putting a little pure icater to the wine 
in the chalice." He then proceeds to adduce evidence in 
proof of the antiquity of the practice. Justin Martyr, 
irenseus, Clemens Alexandrinus, St. Cyprian, are quoted 
as authorities for the practice in early times, besides the 
Apostolical Constitutitms. The council of Carthage, A. D. 
5^97, the council in Trullo, and the liturgies of St. Basil 
and St. Chrysostom are also cited. 

The next point is the introduction of the words " Mili- 
tant here on Earth,'' after the words " Let us pray for the 
whole state of Christ's Church." The previous words, 
he says, *' seem inserted to exclude Prayer for the Dead." 
In ths first book there was a petition for the desid : and he 
contends, that such a recommendation of the departed to 
the mercy of God, " is nothing of the remains of popery, 
but a constant usage of the primitive Church." Tertullian, 
Oypiian, Cyril of Jerusalem, St. Ambrose, St. Epiphanius, 
St. Chrysostom, St. Augustin, and the Apostolical Con- 
stitutions, with certain ancient liturgies, are quoted in 


support of this statement, besides certain individuals, who 
actually prayed for deceased friends. Collier argues that 
the Church of England, though she condemns the Eomish 
doctrine of purgatory, has not condemned prayers for the 
dead : and he says : " Where the Church of England has 
left her meaning doubtful, the greatest honour we can do 
her is to interpret her to a conformity to primitive prac- 
tice." Respecting the custom itself he says : " This cus- 
tom, which began in the apostolical age, and was continued 
through the whole church till the 16th century : this cus- 
tom, we conceive, is very serviceable to the ends of reli- 
gion : it supposes our friends but removed to a distant 
country, and existing in a different condition : and that 
they only die in one place to live in another. It refreshes 
the belief of the soul's immortality, draws back the curtain 
of the grave, and opens a communication between this 
world and the other." 

The third passage, which he wished to be restored was 
the prayer of the descent of the Holy Ghost on the sacra- 
mental elements. In the first liturgy was this petition : 
" Hear us (0 Merciful Father) we beseech Thee, and with 
Thy Holy Spirit and Word vouchsafe to bless and sanctify 
these Thy gifts and creatures of bread and wine, that they 
may be unto us the Rody and Blood of Thy most dearly 
beloved Son, Jesus Christ." He then adduces testimonies 
from antiquity in favour of the petition. He admits that 
the force of the invocation may be contained in our 
present office: but he thinks that express terms are 

A fourth thing is specified, namely, the restoration of 
the Oblatory prayer, which in the first liturgy came after 
the consecration prayer. In that prayer are the following 
words : " We Thy humble servants do celebrate and make 
here before Thy Divine Majesty, with these Thy holy gifts, 
the memorial which Thy Son hath willed us to make." 
Collier's view of this prayer is thus stated : " The Oblatory 
prayer goes upon this ground, that the Holy Eucbarist is 
a proper sacrifice : and that our Blessed Saviour, at His 


last supper, offered the bread and wine to God the Father 
as the symbols of His body and blood, and commanded 
His Apostles to do the same." As before, several testi- 
monies from antiquity are produced, besides the authority 
of Hickes in his Christian Priesthood, and Johnson in his 
Unbloody Sacrifice. He closes with an allusion to Bucer, 
Calvin, and Peter Martyr, to whom our reformers are sup- 
posed to have yielded in rejecting these four practices. 
" From hence we infer," says he, " that the explanations, 
as they are called, in the second book, were not made 
without compliance with the weakness of some people ; 
not without condescension to those who had more scruples 
than understanding, more heat than light in them." 

In a very short time an answer was published by a 
Nonjuror. Collier had written with moderation, and the 
reply evinces a similar spirit. The writer is anxious to 
prevent divisions among themselves : and he is apprehen- 
sive of danger from the proposed changes. He takes up 
the four points, in the order in which they are ranged by 
Collier, and refutes them. 

Collier, Brett, and Campbell the Scottish Bishop, were 
the chief of that section, by whom the restoration of the 
prayers and directions was advocated : while Spinkes, 
Gandy, Taylor, and Bedford strenuously contended for a 
strict adherence to the liturgy, as now used in the Church 
of England. 

At the commencement of the year 1718, Collier pub- 
lished an answer to the reply to his former pamphlet, in 
which he meets the objections alleged by his opponent 
against the restoration of the prayers. Collier asks, whe- 
ther Justin Martyr is not early enough, the author of ''No 
Reason, dc,'' having objected on the ground, that he was 
too late as an evidence in such a matter. It would occupy 
too much space to go over Collier's reasoning. It may, 
therefore, be sufficient to observe, that he enters at great 
length into all the arguments advanced by his opponent, 
with a view to the establishment of his former positions. 
He closes in these words : " The best service we can do 


the Church of England, is to recover the main of her first 
reformation : to retrieve what she has suffered by inter- 
ested views, by foreign direction, and calvinistic alloy. 
Thus I humbly conceive she will be remarkably Decus et 
tiitamen, and have new strength and lustre upon her. 
Thus she will better endure the test of antiquity, be more 
covered from assault, and stand impregnable." 

The author of " No Reason for restoring, dr.,'' very soon 
published another pamphlet in reply to Collier, entitled 
** No Sufficient Reason for Restoring some Prayers and 
Directions of King Edward VI/s First Liturgy.'' Collier 
immediately replied, for his answer was published in the 
same year. This is a work of considerable size ; and 
every page affords evidence of the learning and talents 
of the author. " The Vindication' was replied to by 
the author of " iVo Reason, t^c," and ''No Sufficient 
Reason, dr." After which Collier published in the year 
1720, 'M Farther Defejice, dc, being an Answer to a 
Reply to the Vindication of the Reasons and Defence for 
Restoring, dc. " 

Collier preferred the first Communion Book, while 
his opponent was strenuous for adhering to our present 
form. The latter considered the practices as immaterial : 
and consequently that no sufficient reason could be 
pleaded for their restoration. It will be seen that the con- 
troversy continued several years : and that the parties 
became embittered towards each other as it proceeded. 

During the progress of this controversy between the two 
sections of the Nonjurors, the new communion office was 
actually published. 

In the prayer for the King no name is used, but only a 
petition for the Sovereign : and of course the four points 
contended for by Collier and Brett are incorporated into 
the office. 

During his latter years, Collier suffered much frnni 
attacks of the stone, to which he fell a victim on the 
2(Uh of April, ilUQ. His chief works have been alj-eady 



mentioned. Various smaller publications were at different 
periods sent forth by him ; but we are not aware of these 
having been enumerated. — Blog. Brit. Lathbury. Collier's 


Saint Columba was bom at Gartan, in the county of 
Donegal, about the year of our Lord 522. His baptismal 
name was Crimthan ; but in consequence of the remark- 
able mildness of his disposition and the gentleness of his 
manners, he has ever been surnamed Columba, or the 
Dove. Like other religious youths of his age, it was 
natural that he should early seek admission into one of 
the monastic colleges ; and accordingly we find him first 
studying in the monastery of Moville, over which an abbot 
named Finian then presided. He continued here until 
his admission to deacon's orders, when he placed himself 
under the care of Germanus, or Gorman, who was at that 
period considered a distinguished instructor of the young ; 
and before he completed his studies, he spent some time 
at the school of Clonard, whose celebrity has been noticed 
already. The life he passed in these schools was a very 
strict one. Emulous of evangelic perfection, and inflamed 
with the love of Christ, he, as well as the other religious 
youths, used to pass their days in voluntary poverty, in 
vigils, fastings, and heavenly contemplation. The time 
that was not occupied in acts of piety or in study, was 
employed in labouring with their hands for their daily 

St. Columba commenced his public career in the foun- 
dation of the abbey of Derry, in the year 546. This was 
only the first of a great number of monastic houses and 
churches, which owed their erection to his instrumen- 
tality. Indeed, so numerous are they said to have been, 
that from this circumstance he received the addition of 
" cille" to his name, and is now usually known as 
Columb-cille, or Columb of the Churches. 


It was about the year 551 when Columba was admitted 
to the priesthood ; and it requires to be noticed that he 
never rose to the episcopal order, although few, perhaps, 
were better qualified for this sacred office. This circum- 
stance, apparently so strange, is thus accounted for in an 
old legend : — 

" Columba," says the writer, " while still only a deacon, 
was sent to a certain Bishop Etchen to be raised to the 
episcopal order. Etchen would appear to have been one 
of those anchoiite bishops about whom something was 
said in the last chapter. He was ploughing in the field 
when Columba arrived at his cell ; and as soon as he 
heard the name of his visitor, the bishop left his simple 
occupation to bid him welcome. Nor, when informed of 
the object of his visit, did Etchen hesitate for a moment 
compliance with his request. He immediately proceeded 
to the solemn ceremony of the ordination ; but (continues 
the legend), owing to some oversight, he fixed on the 
wrong office, and instead of consecrating him a bishop, 
only ordained him a priest. On discovering his mistake, 
Etchen offered to go on regularly ; but Columba declined, 
and attributing the occurrence to some providential inter- 
ference, expressed his resolution to remain in the order of 
the priesthood during the rest of his life." 

Whatever difficulties may attend the reception of this 
story, there is reason to believe it true in all important 
particulars ; and it tends to prove the existence in Ireland 
of the evil custom censured in the Nicene council, of one 
bishop consecrating another without the assistance of 
coadjutors. It also leads us to conjecture, that deacons 
in the Irish Church were occasionally advanced to the 
highest degree, without being required to be ordained 

Some time after his ordination, St. Columba set forth, 
with twelve companions, on his eventful expedition to the 
Highlands of Scotland. He arrived in that country in the 
year 563, and fixed his abode on the small island of lona, 
the grant of which he had received from Conall, King of 


the Dal-aradian Scots. Here he erected a monastery, and 
commenced his labours for the conversion of the Picts. 
These were attended with so much success, that his fame 
spread through every part of Britain ; and the monastery 
of lona became in time, the chief seat of learning and 
piety in the Western Isles. But after some years of 
anxious exertion, his attention was diverted from the care 
of his converts to the social troubles of Ireland. There 
was a dispute between Aid, the King of Ireland, and his 
kinsman Aidan, King of the Albanian Scots, respecting 
the right of possession to the territory of Dal-aradia. Both 
sovereigns laid a claim to it : the Scottish prince asserting 
that the land in dispute belonged to him by right of here- 
ditary succession ; while the Irish monarch was unwilling 
that a foreign prince should enjoy any sovereignty in his 
dominions. And, in addition to the dangers that thus 
threatened the integrity of the kingdom, the overgrown 
power of the fileas, or bards, greatly obstructed its internal 
tranquillity. Their rude rhymes were very acceptable to 
the Irish populace, who would never grow wearied of listen- 
ing to their panegyrics on the national valour, or the heroic 
deed of some favourite warrior. The bards were not slow 
in marking the effect of their songs upon the people— how 
the popular attention was riveted, and their enthusiasm 
excited ; but they made use of their acquired influence for 
the very worst ends. Intent only upon enriching them- 
selves, they did not hesitate to defame those who would 
not purchase their good- will with costly presents : and, 
protected as they were, by the favour of the people, they 
seemed conscious that no harm could happen to their 
persons. They therefore increased in licentious boldness, 
and by the virulence of their satirical verses, wounded 
many of the influential chieftains of the day, who bore 
with the evil until it appeared no longer endurable. 

To find some remedy for this abuse, as well as to settle 
the affair about the Dal-aradian territory, an assembly of 
the states of the kingdom was convened at Drum-ceat, in 
the county of Deiry, in the year 590. The council con- 


sisted of the Irish Monarch, the nobles, and the clergy, 
who, since the conversion of the island to the Christian 
faith, had in a great measure succeeded to the political 
privileges of the pagan Druids. Columba came over from 
lona to attend the council, and by his mediation, succeed- 
ed in preserving the order of the bards from the sentence 
of abolition, contemplated by the King and nobles. He 
conceived that no good end could result from the extinc- 
tion of an order so intimately connected with the manners 
of the people ; and therefore proposed that, instead of 
extirpating them altogether, the assembly should be satis- 
fied with correcting their excesses, and enacting laws for 
their more effectual control in future. To this proposal 
there was at first some little opposition, but it was in the 
end unanimously conceded to. The Dal-aradian dispute 
was also arranged to the satisfaction of all parties. By 
the advice of St. Columba, the whole matter was left to 
the arbitration of a holy person named Col man, who gave 
it as his decision, that the province — so far as the payment 
of tribute and similar affairs was concerned — ought to be 
subject to the Irish Monarch ; but that the Scots, as being 
themselves the descendants of the Dal-aradians, might 
call upon them for aid and assistance in times of just 
necessity. And the readiness with which this decision 
was acquiesced in, is a proof of the estimation in which 
the integrity of religious men was then held, as well as 
of the extensive power that was on more than one occasion 
conceded to them. 

Upon the breaking up of the council, Columba proceed- 
ed to visit some of his Irish monasteries ; and after com- 
pleting his inspection of them, returned to his favourite 
residence at lona. Here he ended his days on the 9th of 
June, in the year 597. His remains were buried in lona; 
but at a subsequent period are said to have been transla- 
ted to Ireland, and placed in the same tomb with that of 
Patrick and Bridgit, at Downpatrick. — The ivJiole of this. 
Account is taken from Todd's Ancient Church in Ireland. 



Saint Columbanus was an emiDent Christian mis- 
sionary of the sixth century. lie was born in Ireland, in 
the year 560, in the province of Lagcnia, or Leinster. In 
his youth he learnt the liberal arts, grammar, rhetoric and 
geometry ; but as he had a graceful person, and fearing 
that he should become subject to the temptations of plea- 
sure, he left his country, notwithstanding his mother's oppo- 
sition, and going into another province of Ireland, he put 
himself under the guidance of a venerable person named 
Silen, who so well instructed in sacred literature, that 
even in his youth he composed a treatise upon the psalms, 
and some other works. He afterwards entered into the 
monastery of Bancor, the most famous of Ireland, at that 
time under the government of the Abbot Cornmogel, or 
Congal, and lived there several years, accustoming him- 
self to works of mortification. To disengage himself yet 
more from the world, he purposed to travel into a foreign 
country, aft(!r the example of Abraham. He communicated 
his intention to the abbot, who with great difficulty suf- 
fered himself to be deprived of such an assistant ; but at 
last believing that it was God's will, he consented to it. 
St. Columbanus having received his benediction, departed 
from Bancor with twelve other monks, being about thirty 
years of age. They passed into Great Britain, and from 
thence to Gaul. The faith was there entire, but the dis- 
cipline much neglected, whether by the incursions of 
foreigners, or the remissness of the prelates. 

Columbanus preached in all places through which he 
passed, and his virtues added great weight to his instruc- 
tions. He was so humble, that he always contended with 
his companions for the lowest place : they were all of one 
mind ; their modesty, sobriety, gentleness, patience and 
charity, made them universally admired. If any one was 
guilty of a fault, they all joined in reforming his error. 
Kvery thing was in common ; nor was ever any contradic- 


tion, or hard words heard among them. In whatsoever 
place they abode, their example inspired an universal 
piety. Columbanus' reputation reached even to the court 
of the King of Burgundy : this was Gontran, who, upon 
hearing his character, desired him to stay in his kingdom, 
and otTered him whatsoever he should desire. The holy 
man thanked him, saying, that he desired nothing but to 
cari7 his cross after Jesus Christ, and chose the vast 
Desart of Vosge for his retreat, where among the rocks, 
and in a most barren place, he found the ruins of an 
old castle named Anagrates, at present Anegray, and 
there settled with his companions. This was his first 

In 589 he founded the monastery of Luxcvil, near 
Besangon, which lie governed for twenty years. In 508 
he engaged in a controversy with pope (Gregory c(mcerning 
the proper time of keeping Easter; but he at length 
submitted to the court of Rome. From France he was 
banished for censuring the immoralities of Theodoric and 
his Queen ; he then went to Switzerland, where he was 
kindly received by Theodebert, King of that country, and 
was successful in converting the pagans ; but the; Swiss 
army being defeated by the Fiench, he was obliged to 
remove to Italy, where, under the protection of the King 
of the Lombards, he founded in 013, the abbey of Bobio, 
near Naples. Over this monastery he presided but a 
short time; he died on the 21st of November, 615. — Cave 


Francis Combefis was born in 1005 at Marmauile, and 
at twenty years of age assumed the habit of a Benedictine, 
at Bordeaux, where he taught philosophy and theology. 
lie entered a convent of his order at Paris, in 1040. 
lU'ing learned in the Greek language, he undertook. the 
ofhce (jf editor to several of the ancient fathers, and dedi- 
cated fifty years of his Ufe to this work. He was not by 

156 COMBER. 

any means so skilled in Latin, as he was in Greek, and 
his translations are obscure, and sometimes nearly unin- 
telligible. He died in 1679. His principal works are — 
1. S.S. Patrum, Amphilochii, Methodii, et Andrese Ore- 
tensis opera Omnia, Paris, 1644, 2 vols, folio. 2. Graeco- 
Latinse Patrum Bibliothecse novum auctuarium, 1648, 
2 vols, folio. 3. Bibliotheca Patrum concionatoria, 1662, 
8 vols, folio. 4. Originum rerumque Constantinopoli- 
tanarum et variis autoribus manipulus, etc., 1664, in 4to. 
5. Bibliotheca Graecorum Patrum auctuarium novissi- 
mum, Grsece et Latine, 1672, 2 vols, in folio. 6. Eccle- 
siastes Grsecus, 1674, in 8vo. 7. S. Maximi opera, 1675, 
2 vols, folio. 8. Basilius Magnus ex integro recensitus, 
etc., 1679, 2 vols, 8vo. 9. Historioe Byzantinas Scriptores 
post Theophanem usque ad Nicephorum Phocam, GrEece 
et Latine, 1685, folio. — Biorjraphie Universelle. 


Thomas Comber was born at Westerham, in Kent, 
March 19th, 1644. His father was persecuted for his 
loyalty, and obliged to take refuge in Flanders, leaving 
young Comber to be educated by his mother. At the 
period of her death, in 1672, he gratefully remembered 
the care she took of his education, describing her as " a 
person of great understanding, lovely aspect, and admirable 
piety, and so tender of me, that her whole life was dedi- 
cated to my improvement in learning and virtue ; and I 
believe no son and mother did more entirely love each 
other, nor did I ever know any thing touch my heart so 
near as her death." Under her superintendence he re- 
ceived his primary education at the school of his native 
place, where his progress was so rapid that he could read 
and write Greek before he was ten years old. Thence he 
removed, in 1653, to London, and passed some time under 
a schoolmaster, a distant relation; and in 1656 he re- 
turned to his first master at Westerham. In 1659 lie was 

COMBER. 157 

admitted of Sidney-Sussex College, Cambridge, where he 
was placed under the care of the Rev. Edmund Matthews, 
B.D., senior fellow and of the college, to whom 
he acknowledges his obligations for the pains he took in 
instructing him in science and in the languages. In 1 66:2 
he was chosen scholar of the house. Having been ad- 
mitted to the degree of B.A. in 1662, he was obliged, by the 
narrowness of his circumstances, to leave the university, 
and retire to his mother's house. In this situation, how- 
ever, he was befriended by a Mr. John Holney, of Eden- 
bridge, who, discerning his talents, made him a handsome 
present, and signified to him his wish that he would draw 
upon him at any time for any sum he might require. 

Early in 1663 he accepted an invitation to the house of 
the Rev. William Holland, rector of Allhallows, Staining, 
London, whose assistant he became. Soon after he was 
invited to be curate to the Rev. Gilbert Bennet, who held 
the living of Stonegrave, in Yorkshire, At Stonegrave, 
his character having recommended him to the notice of 
Mr. Thornton, of East Newton, he was invited to reside at 
that gentleman's house, and he afterwards married one of 
his daughters. In 1669 Mr. Bennet resigned to him the 
living of Stonegrave, as he had promised to do when he 
engaged him as his curate. Having long been an admirer 
of the church-service, he determined to recommend it to 
the public, which at that time was frequently interested 
in disputes respecting set forms and extempore prayer : 
and with this view he published, about 167-2, the first part 
of his Companion to the Temple ; in 1674 the second 
part; and in 1675 the third part, of which a different 
arrangement was adopted in the subsequent editions. 
In 1677 he was installed prebendary of Holme, in the 
metropolitan church of York ; and the same year a third 
edition of his Companion to the Temple was published, 
together with his first book on the Right of Tithes, &c., 
against Elwood the Quaker, and his Friendly and Season- 
able Advice to the Roman Catholics of England. This 



little book was republished with alterations and notes by 
the author of these biographies about twenty years ago, 
and is now reprinting, so valuable does it appear to him, 
and so profitable for these times. The same year appeared 
his Brief Discourse on the Offices of Baptism, Catechism, 
and Confirmation, dedicated to Dr. Tillotson. In 1678 
he was presented to the living of Thornton by Sir Hugh 
Cholmeley. In 1680 he published, in answer to Selden s 
History of Tithes, the first part of his Historical Vindica- 
tion of the Divine Right of Tithes, and in 1681 the second 
part. Some time in this year he published a tract, enti- 
tled Religion and Loyalty, intended to convince the Duke 
of York that no person in succession to the throne of 
England ought to embrace popery : but to persuade the 
people of England not to alter the succession. 

In 1683 a correspondence took place between him and 
Dr. Grenville, who wrote to him to tell him of some 
kind expressions used towards him by the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, Dr. Sancroft ; in the course of this letter 
Dr. Grenville, speaking of his waiting upon the Archbishop 
of York, says, " I could not have any private conference 
with his grace to fling in any item concerning you, or my 
own great affair about the weekly Sacrament, which above 
all other matters oppresses my mind." " I am told," adds 
he, " by Dr. Beveridge that it is intended to have one, 
when St. Paul's is rebuilt, in that cathedral ; and by the 
Dean of Canterbury, that they are likely soon to set up 
one in their church, which will have a great influence on 
all the cathedrals in the kingdom. Dr. Beveridge his 
devout practice and order in his church, doth exceedingly 
edify the city, and his congregation increases every week : 
he hath seldom less than four-score, sometimes six or seven 
score communicants, and a great many young apprentices, 
who come there every Lord's day with great devotion. 
The doctor approves of my honest designs, and hath con- 
firmed me very much in my resolutions, and will be I 
pv(3mise myself a very useful friend to me. 

COMBER. 159 

" When your folio edition on the Common Prayer 
comes forth," adds the doctor, " I promise myself the 
honour of presenting it to the King ; it will prove a very 
good application to my sermon, which begins and ends 
you know with my beloved mistress the Common Prayer 

The object of procuring a w^eekly Communion in all the 
cathedrals throughout the kingdom, which Dr. Grenville 
calls his great affair, seems indeed to have been very near 
his heart, for amongst the numerous letters he wrote 
to Dr. Comber, and which are still extant, he presses this 
point with great zeal, desiring his correspondent to use 
his utmost exertions to effect this great point. 

This good, affectionate, and amiable man, in another 
letter says, " But to return to my old topic of pushing on 
the weekly Sacrament, you and I are more particularly 
concerned in this good work, than any other clergymen 
that I know of in the whole province, and I am certain 
that it is the expectation of several clergy and devout 
people in these parts, that we should do more than others. 
You are looked on to be the greatest champion for the 
Common Prayer Book in the whole country, (nay per- 
chance in all England ;) and I am considered as one of 
the more exact observers of the rubric, and sticklers for 
conformity ; and I dare without pride or vanity own that 
I am a hearty lover of the book, and have in me some 
innate zeal for order. Really Dr. Comber this is a great 
and excellent work, and will do God more service than all 
your past labours, or my past endeavours since our first 
coming into the ministry. It will have a wonderful influ- 
ence over all the north, and shame the other cathedrals into 
the like practice : which accompanied with such a circular 
letter as my Lord of Canterbury intends to send to the 
bishops of his own province, would in a powerful manner 
preach to all the inferior clergy, not only frequent com- 
munion, but exact conformity. Without doubt these 
means that are of Christ's own institution, and the incom- 
parable established order of our own church, (the most 

160 COMBER. 

incomparable and unexceptionable institution in all Chris- 
tendom,) are the most probable means to revive religion, 
devotion, conformity, and loyalty, in the land." 

The design of establishing weekly Communions, which 
the doctor seems to have desired so earnestly, was soon 
afterwards carried into execution in the metropolitan 
church of Canterbury, as appears from a letter of 
Dr. Tillotson, Dean of Canterbury, still extant: the same 
laudable practice was also established about the same time 
in the cathedral of York, as appears from divers letters to 
and from our author. 

In 1683 Dr. Dolben was appointed to the metropolitan 
see of York, and one of his first acts was, to obtain for 
Comber the precentorship of York Minster. In 1685 the 
Archbishop of York offered him the Archdeaconry of Cleve- 
land, now void by Dr. Long s death ; but he, excusing 
himself, recommended his old friend Dr. Burton, rector of 
Sutton, who had been Mr. Thornton's preceptor previous 
to his going to college. His grace paid so much attention 
to this recommendation, that he gave the arclideaconry to 
the doctor. 

At his request the Archbishop of York issued his com- 
mands to have the holy Communion administered every 
Lord's day in the cathedral at York, and on the 26th of 
April this laudable practice first began. There is extant 
a letter from Dr. Grenville to the precentor on this 
subject, in which he speaks in very enthusiastic terms 
on this head. 

The precentor began his second residence at York the 
11th of May, and on the 14th was elected a procurator for 
King James's convocation, which was to open on the 20th 
of the same month. 

King James having, very soon after the death of his 
brother Charles II., published certain papers, said to have 
been found in his late majesty's box, and which pretended 
to give an account of the reasons which induced him to 
turn to the religion of Home, the precentor wrote shorty 
but severe animadversions upon them ; he likewise did 

COMBER. 161 

the same thing with those called the Duchess's Papers, 
which gave a like weak and improbable account of her per 
version to the Romish religion. 

In 1688 King James sent a silver crosier to York, and 
a conge d'elire, with a recommendation of Dr. Smith, a 
popish priest, but the chapter of York, under the influence 
of Comber, though he was not present on the occasion, in- 
stead of acceding to the royal mandate, elected Dr. Thomas 
Lamplugb, Bishop of Exeter. In all the proceedings of 
the Revolution Comber heartily concurred, and was a 
most determined Whig, vindicating the loyalty of King 
William's government, but at the same time attending 
with devotion to the duties of his holy oflBce. Among his 
papers was found a memorandum, that " an unknown 
person sent a noble crimson velvet cloth with rich em- 
broidery, and gold fringe, to adorn the altar of the 
cathedral," and he prays that God may reward his alms 
done in secret, very openly, observing that it was a very 
seasonable and liberal gift. 

In 1691 the revolutionary government appointed him 
to the deanery of Durham, in the place of his old admirer 
and friend, Dr. Grenville, who became a Nonjuror, and 
attended the King to France. Dr. Grenville repeatedly 
wrote to Dean Comber, treating him as an intruder, and 
desiring him to consider himself only as his steward until 
he with King James should have his own again. Comber 
died in 1699, of a consumption, before he had completed 
his 55 th year. 

Besides the works already noticed. Dr. Comber wrote, 
1. A Scholastical History of the primitive and general Use 
of Liturgies in the Christian Church; together with an 
Answer to Mr. David Clarkson's late Discourse concern- 
ing Liturgies, London, 1690, dedicated to King WilHam 
and Queen Mary. 2. A Companion to the Altar ; or, an 
Help to the worthy receiving of the Lord's Supper, by 
Discourses and Meditations upon the whole Communion- 
Ofiace. 3. A brief Discourse upon the Offices of Baptism, 


Catechism, and Confirmation, printed at the end of the 
Companion to the Altar. 4. A Discourse on the Occa- 
sional Offices in the Common Prajer, viz : Matrimony, 
Visitation of the Sick, Burial of the Dead, Churching of 
Women, and the Commination. 5. A Discourse upon the 
Manner and Form of making Bishops, Priests, and 
Deacons, London, 1699, 8vo, dedicated to Archbishop 
Tenison. 6. Short Discourses upon the whole Common 
Prayer, designed to inform the judgment, and excite the 
devotion of such as daily use the same, chiefly by way of 
paraphrase, London, 1684, Bvo, dedicated to Anne, Prin- 
cess of Denmark, to whom the author was chaplain. 
7. Roman Forgeries in the Councils during the first 
four centuries ; together with an Appendix, concerning 
the Forgeries and Errors in the Annals of Baronius, ibid, 
1689, 4to. — Comber's Life of Comber. 


Henky Compton, youngest son of Spencer, second 
Earl of Northampton, was born at Compton, in 1632. 
He received his primary education at a grammar school, 
and was, in 1649, entered a nobleman of Queen s College, 
Oxford, where he continued till about 1552, and soon 
after travelled on the continent. At the Restoration he 
returned to England, and became a cornet in a regiment 
of horse, raised about that time for the King's guard ; but 
soon quitting that post, he went to Cambridge, where he 
was created M,A., and entering into orders when about 
thirty years of age, he was admitted canon of Christ 
Church, Oxford, in the beginning of 1666. In April of 
the same year he was incorporated M. A. at Oxford, hold- 
ing at that time the rectory of Cottenham, in Cambridge- 
shire. In 1667 he was made master of St. Cross, near 
Winchester. In May 1669 he was installed canon of 
Christ Church. In December 1674 he was preferred to 


the Bishopric of Oxford, and about a year after he was 
made dean of the Chapel Royal, and was also translated 
to the see of London. Anthony Wood tells us, that 
" this translation w^as much promoted by some of the 
politic clergy, because they knew him to be a bold man, 
an enemy to the papists, and one that would act and 
speak, what they would put him upon, which they them- 
selves would not be seen in, as many prime papists used 
to say." Bishop Burnet informs us further, that " this 
translation was effected through the Earl of Danby's 
interest ; to whom the Bishop, he says, was a property, 
and turned by him as he pleased. The Duke of York 
hated him ; but Lord Danby persuaded both the King 
and the Duke, that as his heat did no great hurt to any 
person, so the giving way to it helped to lay the jealousies 
of the church party. He tells us also, that Archbishop 
Sheldon dying about a year after that, Compton was per- 
suaded Lord Danby had tried with all his strength to 
promote him to Canterbury ; though that, he says, was 
never once attempted." 

Charles II. caused him to be sworn one of his privy- 
council, and committed to him the education of his two 
nieces, the Princesses Mary and Anne, whose attachment 
to the protestant Church was owing in a great measure to 
their tutor. Compton had early indulged the vain hope 
of bringing the dissenters to a sense of the necessity of a 
union among protestants ; to promote which, he held 
several conferences with his own clergy, the substance of 
w^hich he published in July, 1680. He further hoped 
that dissenters might be the more easily reconciled to the 
Church, if the judgment of foreign divines should be pro- 
duced against their needless separation ; and for that 
purpose he wrote to M. le Moyne, professor of divinity at 
Leyden, to M. de lAngle, one of the preachers of the 
protestant church at Charenton, near Paris, and to 
M. Claude, another eminent French preacher. Their an- 
swers are published at the end of Bishop Stillingfieet s 
Unreasonableness of Separation, 1681, 4 to. 


The answers are not of much value ; they are evidently 
written by men overwhelmed with a sense of the honour 
done them by " Monseigneur," the Bishop, and wishing 
to write what would please him without committing them- 
selves. They all agree in thinking dissent unreasonable, 
but they evidently were not acquainted with the circum- 
stances of the case. There is nothing unreasonable in 
those who do not hold sacramental religion, who reject 
the notion of baptismal regeneration, and of the E,eal 
Presence in the Eucharist, separating themselves from 
the Church of England: the difficulty must be with them 
to reconcile to their consciences conformity to the Church, 
until these doctrines are received. It is on other grounds 
that they must be persuaded, not to join the Church, but, 
preparatory to their union, to accept the Church's faith. 

To popery Bishop Compton was an unflinching enemy. 
He omitted no opportunity of arresting its progress v»'hen 
it was gaining ground in the reign of Charles II. ; and on 
the accession of James II. he had the honour of being 
dismissed from the council-table, and from the deanery of 
the Chapel Royal. But the event of Bishop Compton 's 
life, which has rendered his character historical, is that 
w^hich relates to the proceedings against him in the 
council chamber at Whitehall, before the Lords commis- 
sioners appointed by King James the Second, in 1686. 
The Lord Chancellor, who appears in these proceedings, 
is the notorious Judge Jeffries. The following account is 
taken from the State Trials : — 

On Thursday, the 17th of June, Mr. Atterbury the 
messenger, delivered a letter from his majesty, to my Lord 
Bishop of London, at Fulham ; which letter was dated 
Monday, June the I4th, and took notice, " that notwith- 
standing the directions his majesty had given concerning 
preachers, the 15th of March, 1685, Dr. John Sharp had, 
in some sermons, presumed to make unbecoming reflec- 
tions ; and used such expressions as tended to beget in 
the minds of his hearers, an evil opinion of his majesty 
and his government, and to dispose the people to rebel- 


lion. And therefore commanded the Bishop to suspend 
the said Dr. John Sharp from preaching, till his majesty's 
pleasure was further known." 

In answer to which, my Lord Bishop of London wrote 
to my Lord Sunderland the next day, being the 18th of 
June, and sent the letter by Dr. Sharp. Wherein he 
acquaints my Lord Sunderland, " He was concerned he 
could not comply with his majesty's commands : that 
being to act as a judge in this case, he could not condemn 
the doctor till he had been cited, and he had knowledge 
of the cause ; but that he had sent to the doctor, and 
acquainted him with his majesty's displeasure, and found 
him so ready to make all reasonable satisfaction, that he 
had thought fit to make him the bearer of this answer. 

The Sunday following Dr. Sharp carried a petition to 
Windsor, which was not permitted to be read. 

The substance of the petition was, that nothing could 
be so afflictive as his unhappiness in having incurred his 
majesty's displeasure, which he was so sensible of, that 
he had forborne all public exercise of his function ever 

That he had ever faithfully endeavoured to do the best 
service he could, as well to the late King as his majesty, 
both by preaching and otherwise ; and that he had been 
60 far from venting any thing that tended to schism or 
faction, or the disturbance of the government, that he had 
upon all occasions set himself against such doctrines and 
principles as looked that way. But if any thing had slipt 
from him, that was capable of giving any offence to his 
majesty, he declared he had no ill intentions in those 
expressions, and was heartily sorry for them ; and that he 
would be so careful in the discharge of his duty for the 
future, that his majesty should have reason to believe him 
his most faithful subject ; and therefore desired to be 
restored to the same favour the rest of the clergy enjoyed 
under his majesty's government. 

On Wednesday the 4th of August, 1686, my Lord Bishop 
of London appeared before the commissioners, a<icording 


to their summons, at the council chamber at Whitehall ; 
present, the Lord Chancellor, Lord Bishop of Durham, 
Lord Treasurer, Lord Bishop of Rochester, Lord Presi- 
dent, Lord Chief Justice Herbert. 

The Lord Chancellor demanded why my Lord Bishop 
of London had not suspended Dr. Sharp, according to the 
King's command ? 

The Lord Bishop of London answered, that he was 
advised he could not legally do it, but by way of citation 
and hearing him. 

Lord Chancellor. You ought to have known the law 
better: the King is to be obeyed, and if you have any 
reasons to offer we are ready to hear you. 

The Lord Bishop of London desired a copy of their 
commission, and a copy of his charge ; and if he might 
not have a copy of their commission, that he might read 
it, or hear it read. Then he was ordered to withdraw ; 
and being called again in about a quarter of an hour, the 
Lord Chancellor acquainted him that the commissioners 
were of opinion his request could not be granted : that if 
every one that appeared there should demand a sight of 
their commission their whole time would be taken up in 
reading of it. That the proceedings of courts of this kind 
were not by libel and articles, but by word of mouth ; and 
it was a short question only they asked, why he did not 
obey the King ? 

My Lord Bishop of London desired the commissioners 
to consider he was a peer and a bishop, and he desired to 
behave himself as becomes one in those capacities ; and 
hoped they would give him time till the next term to 
make his defence. 

The commissioners said, they thought that unreason- 
able, but they would give his lordship a week's time ; and 
then adjourned to the 9th of August. 

On the 9th of August, the same' commissioners being 
present, my Lord Bishop of London came before them, 
attended by his nephew, the Earl of Northampton, Sir 
John Nicholas, and his brother, Sir Francis Compton. 


My Lord Bishop of London said, he had not been able 
to meet with their commission, till the night before, 
though he was told he might see it in every coffee-house. 

The Lord Chancellor answered, they would admit no 
quarrelling at their commission ; they were well assured 
of the legality of it, or they would not be such fools as to 
sit there. 

My Lord Bishop of London said, he desired a sight of 
their commission, because, possibly, it might not reach 
him, being a peer and a bishop ; and that he had not had 
time to advise about it, and therefore desired a fortnight 
longer, (which was granted.) 

On Tuesday the 23rd day of August, my Lord Bishop 
of London appeared before the same commissioners again. 

Lord Bishop. My Lord, I have consulted those that 
are very learned in the laws, who tell me that your pro- 
ceedings in this court are directly contrary to the statute 
law ; and they are here to plead it, if your lordship will 
admit them. 

Lord Chancellor. We will neither hear your lordship 
nor your council in the matter : w^e are sufiBciently satis- 
fied of the legality of our commission. 

Lord Bishop. My lord, I am a bishop of the Church 
of England ; and by all the law in the Christian Church, 
in all ages, and by the particular law of this land, I am, 
in case of offence, to be tried by my metropolitan and 
suffragans : I hope your lordship will not deny the rights 
and privileges of Christian bishops. 

Lord Chancellor. My Lord, you know our proceedings 
are according to what has been done formerly, and that 
we have an original jurisdiction ; this is still questioning 
our court. 

Lord Bishop. My lords, protesting in my own right to 
the laws of the realm, as a subject, and the rights and 
privileges of the Church, as a bishop, I shall give in my 

The answer was accepted, and the bishop withdrew ; 
and after half an hour, the bishop and his council were 


called in, who were Dr. Oldish, Dr. Hodges, Dr. Price, 
and Dr. Newton; whom the bishop desired might be 

They argued, that the words of the King's letter being, 
that you suspend him from preaching, this could not 
be done by our laws without a citation, and proceeding to 
judgment thereupon. But if by that expression only the 
silencing the doctor was intended, then the bishop had 
executed the King's commands in such a method as is 
observed in their courts. 

For where an eminent person is accused the judges 
send him a letter ; and if he appears and complies with 
the judges' order, the law^ is satisfied. Here the bishop 
sent for Dr. Sharp, and advised him not to preach till the 
King had received satisfaction : and he observed his lord- 
ship's directions, and had not preached to this very day ; 
so that his majesty's command was in effect fulfilled. 
That the bishop had done what was his duty ; he was 
bound to return his reason to the King why he did not 
do that which he commanded, and to expect his farther 
answer, w^iich was done. That if a prince or pope com- 
mand any thing unlawful it is the duty of a judge Rescri- 
bere Principi, and attend his further pleasure, and this is 
all he can do. That as in nature no man can be obliged 
to do that which is impossible ; so no man can be obliged 
to do an unlawful act. 

Lord Bishop. If through mistake I have erred in any 
circumstance I am ready to beg his majesty's pardon, 
and shall be ready to make any reparation I am capable. 

The bishop withdrew for half an hour and then was 
called in and acquainted that the commissioners would 
be there again on Wednesday next, when his lordship 
was directed to attend. 

Die Luna 6 Septemh. 1686. 

Lord Chancellor. You were desired to appear this day 
to hear your sentence ; which to prevent mistake we have 
ordered to be put in writing. 


Lord Bishop. My lord, may I have leave to speak 
before sentence is read ? 

Lord Chancellor. My lord, we have heard you and your 
council already. 

Then the instrument of suspension was read by Mr. 
Bridgman, their lordships' register, viz : 

By his Majesty's Commissioners for Ecclesiastical 
Affairs, dc. 

Whereas, Henry, Lord Bishop of London, hath been 
convened before us, for his disobedience, and other his 
contempts, mentioned in the proceedings of this cause ; 
and the said Bishop being fully heard thereupon, we have 
thought fit, upon mature consideration of the matter, to 
proceed to this our definitive sentence ; declaring, pro- 
nouncing, and decreeing, that the said Heniy, Lord Bishop 
of London, shall, for his said disobedience and contempt, 
be suspended during his majesty's pleasure. And accord- 
ingly we do, by these presents, suspend him, the said 
Lord Bishop of London ; peremptorily admonishing and 
requiring him hereby to abstain from the function and 
execution of his episcopal office, and from all episcopal and 
other ecclesiastical jurisdiction, during the said suspension, 
upon pain of deprivation and removal from his bishopric. 
Sealed with the seal of the court, and dated the 6th 
of September, 1686. 

Some days after, an instrument was delivered by a 
messenger to the Dean of St. Paul's, requiring him to 
cause the said sentence to be affixed to the door of the 
Chapter-house ; and on the place then called the south 
door of St. Paul's. 

The Bishop refusing to recognize the legality of the 
court or its sentence, thought prudent to refrain from the 
performance of any episcopal act in his diocese, but this did 
not prevent his making a stand as one of the governors of 
the Charter House, against the King, in refusing Andrew 



Popham, a papist, into the first pensioner's place in that 
hospital. He then retired to Fulham, where he reroained 
till the Revolution called him again into action. His sus- 
pension was such a flagrant act of tyrannical injustice, 
that the Prince of Orange in his declaration, could not 
omit taking notice of it; and, upon the dread of his 
highness's coming over, the court was willing to make the 
Bishop reparation, by restoring him, as they did on the 
23rd of September, 1688, to his episcopal function. But 
he made no haste to resume his charge, and to thank the 
King for his restoration ; which made some conjecture, 
and as was afterwards found rightly enough, that he had 
no inclination to be restored in that manner, and that he 
knew well enough what had been doing in Holland. The 
first part the Bishop took in the Revolution, which imme- 
diately ensued, was the conveying, jointly with the Earl 
of Dorset, the Princess Anne of Denmark from London to 
Nottingham ; lest she, in the present confusion of affairs, 
might have been sent away into France, or put under 
restraint, because the prince, her consort, had left King 
James, and was gone over to the Prince of Orange. 
Bishop Burnet has given us a particular account of this 
transaction in the following words : 

" When the news came to London of Prince G-eorge of 
Denmark having joined the Prince of Orange, the Princess 
Anne was so struck with the apprehensions of the King's 
displeasure, and of the ill effects it might have, that she 
said to the Lady Churchill that she could not bear the 
thoughts of it, and would leap out at a window rather than 
venture on it. The Bishop of London was then lodged 
very secretly in Suffolk Street : so the Lady Churchill, 
who knew where he was, went to him and concerted with 
him the method of the Princess's withdrawing from court. 
The Princess went sooner to bed than ordinary : and about 
midnight, she went down a back stairs from her closet, 
attended only by Lady Churchill, in such haste, that they 
carried nothing with them. They were waited for by the 


Bishop of London, who carried them to the Earl of 
Dorset's, whose lady furnished them with every thing: 
and so they went northward as far as Northampton, 
where that earl attended on them with all respect, and 
quickly brought a body of horse to serve for a guard to 
the Princess. x\nd in a little while a small army was 
formed about her, who chose to be commanded by the 
Bishop of London; of which, says Bishop Burnet, he 
too easily accepted." 

On his return to London he was as zealous and instru- 
mental as any man in completing the Pievolution. He 
first set his hand to the association begun at Exeter. He 
waited on the Prince of Orange, on the 21st of December, 
at the head of his clergy ; and in their names and his own, 
thanked his highness, for his very great and most hazard- 
ous undertaking for their deliverance, and the preservation 
of the Protestant religion, with the ancient laws and liber- 
ties of this nation. He gave his royal highness the Holy 
Communion upon the 30th of December, and, upon the 
2 9 th of January following, when the house of lords, in a 
grand committee, debated the important question, " Whe- 
ther the throne, being vacant, ought to be filled by a 
regent or a king?" Dr. Compton was one of the two 
Bishops, Sir Jonathan Trelawny, Bishop of Bristol, being 
the other, who made the majority for filling up the throne 
by a king. On the 14th of February, he was again ap- 
pointed one of the privy council, and made dean of the 
royal chapel ; from both which places King James had 
removed him : and afterwards pitched upon by King Wil- 
liam, to perform the ceremony of his and Queen Mary's 
coronation, upon the 11th of April, 1689. 

Archbishop Sancroft being a nonjuror, Bishop Compton 
was appointed president of the convocation of 1689. Be- 
fore, however, the convocation was convened, a preparatory 
step was taken — namely, the appointment of a commission 
under the great seal to draw up and prepare matters for 
the consideration of the synod. On the 24th of May, 
1689, the '' Act for exempting their Majesties' Protestant 


Subjects dissenting from the Church of England from the 
Penalties of certain Laws,'' called the Act of Toleration, 
received the royal assent. Still many dissenters wished 
for a comprehension with the Church. A bill on the 
subject had passed the house of lords ; but on its reach- 
ing the commons, they considered that the question was 
more suitable for a convocation. The lords, therefore, 
concurred in an address to the throne to that effect. To 
prepare the way, the royal commission was issued, 
authorizing certain individuals to meet and prepare alter- 
ations in the liturgy and canons, and to consider other 
matters connected with the Church. It was dated in 
September, 1689. 

The commissioners frequently met, but some of the 
members who were named absented themselves, especially 
Dr. Jane, the regius professor of divinity in Oxford, on 
the ground that alterations were not required, and that 
the present was not the season for such discussions. The 
majority, however, proceeded in the work. The point of 
greatest difficulty was that oi re-ordination ; but it was at 
last settled by the commissioners that the hypothetical 
form should be adopted in the case of the dissenters as in 
the case of uncertain baptism, in these words : " If thou 
art not already ordained, I ordain thee.'' This would have 
satisfied many of the nonconformists. Burnet says, "We 
had before us all the books and papers that they had at 
any time offered, setting forth their demands ; together 
with many advices and propositions which had been made 
at several times by most of the best and most learned 
of our divines, of which the late most learned Bishop of 
Worcester had a great collection : so we prepared a scheme 
to be laid before the convocation, but did not think that 
we ourselves, much less that any other person, was any 
way limited or bound to comply with what we resolved to 

The commissioners were prepared to go great lengths, 
and to suggest some unjustifiable alterations in the 
liturgy, — (See Life of TiUotson) — but the government per- 


ceived that there was no hope of success with the lower 
house of convocation, and that any attempt to make altera- 
tions would only strengthen the party of those good men who 
were nonjurors. In 1690 Compton attended William III. 
to the congress at the Hague, wdrere the grand alliance 
against France w^as concluded. But, notwithstanding the 
zealous part he acted in the revolution, though the metro- 
politan see of Canterbury was twice vacant in that reign, 
yet he still continued Bishop of London. At the accession 
of Queen Anne he was sworn of the privy-council, and was 
put in the commission for the union of England and 
Scotland. He greatly promoted the act for making effec- 
tual the Queen's intention for the Augmentation of the 
Maintenance of the Poor Clergy, by enabling her Majesty 
to grant the revenues of the first-fruits and tenths. He 
maintained an amicable correspondence with foreign Pro- 
testants, as appears from letters, afterwards printed at 
Oxford, which passed between him and the university of 
Geneva in 1706. It was his ultra-protestantism which 
rendered Bishop Compton unpopular with the clergy, 
and probably hindered his advancement to Canterbury. 
Towards the close of his life he was afflicted with the 
stone and gout ; which, turning at length to a complication 
of distempers, carried him off on the 7th of July, 1713, in 
the eighty-first year of his age. His remains were interred 
the fifteenth of the same month in the churchyard of 
Fulham, according to his particular direction ; for he used 
to say, that " the church is for the living, and the church- 
yard for the dead." His works are, — 1. A Translation 
from the Italian, of the Life of Donna Olympia Maldachini, 
who governed the Church during the time of Innocent X., 
which was from the year 1644 to 1655, London, 1667. 
2. A Translation from the French, of the Jesuits' In- 
trigues, with the private Instructions of that Society to 
their Emissaries, 1669. 3. A Treatise of the Holy Com- 
munion, 1677. 4. A Letter to the Clergy of the Diocese 
of London, concerning Baptism, the Lords Supper, Cate- 
chizing, dated April 25, 1679. 5. A Second Letter con- 

174 CONANT. 

cerning the Half-Communion, Prayers in an Unknown 
Tongue, Prayers to Saints, July 6, 1680. 6. A Third 
Letter, on Confirmation, and Visitation of the Sick, 1682. 

7. A Fourth Letter, upon the 54th Canon, April 6, 1683. 

8. A Fifth Letter, upon the 118th Canon, March 19, 
1684. 9. A Sixth Letter, upon the 13th Canon, April 
18, 1685. — Anonymous Biography. Birch's Tillotson, 
Lathbury on Convocation. State Trials. 


John Conant was born in 1608, at Yeatenton, in Devon- 
shire, and educated at Exeter College, Oxford ; where he 
was chosen fellow, and proceeded to the degree of D.D. 
He was one of the assembly of divines ; in 1649 was cho- 
sen rector of his college ; aud in 1654 professor of divinity. 
He was vice-chancellor of the university at the period of 
the Piestoration, and as such presented a congratulatory 
address to Charles II. He was present at the Savoy Con- 
ference on the side of the Presbyterians, and afterwards 
became a nonconformist. 

He continued in this state about eight years. A 
Mr. Edmund Trench, who had been determined for the 
ministry, and was very willing to have conformed, hut had 
some scruples which he could not remove, sent his scru- 
ples to Dr. Conant for his resolution. After half a year's 
expectation the doctor sent him the following message : 
" That upon the most serious thoughts he could hardly 
satisfy himself ; and therefore would never persuade any 
to conform while he lived." But, after eight years' deli- 
beration upon the interesting subject of conformity, 
Dr. Conant himself complied, and was re-ordained upon 
the 28th of September, in 1670, by Dr. Reynolds, Bishop 
of Norwich ; whose daughter he had married in August, 
1651, and by whom he had six sons, and as many 

COOPER. 175 

In 1670 he became minister of St. Mary Alderman- 
bury, London, which he exchanged for that of All Saints, 
Northampton, to which was added the Archdeaconry of 
Norwich, and in 1681, a prebend of Worcester. He died in 
1693. Six volumes of his sermons have been pubUshed. 
— Reid. Wood. 


Daniel Concina was born about 1686, in Friuli. He 
entered the Dominican order in 1708, and preached with 
great applause in the principal towns of Italy. He was 
much consuked by Pope Benedict XIV. He died at 
Venice on the 2 1st of February, 1756. His principal 
works are : 

1. Disciplina Apostolica Monastica, 1739, p. 4to. 

2. Delia Storia del probabilismo e del rigorismo, disser- 
tazioni, con la difesa, 4 vols, in 4to. 

3. Commentarius in rescriptum Benedicti XIV. de 
jejunii lege, in 4to. 

4. Usus contractus trini dissertationibus hist, theolog. 
demonstrata adversus mollioris ethices casuistas, in 4to. 

5. Theologia Christiana dogmatico-moralis, 12 vols, in 

6. De spectaculis theatralibus, in 4to. 

7. De Sacramentali absolutione impertenda. — Moreri. 
Biog. Universelle. 


Thomas Cooper was born about the year 1517, at 
Oxford, and was educated at Magdalen College, of which 
he was first- chosen demy, and afterwards probationer, and 
in the year 1540, perpetual fellow. In 1546 he quitted 
his fellowship ; and on the accession of Mary, as he was 
inclined to the Reformation, he chose physic for his pro- 

176 COOPER. 

fession, and practised for some time in his native city ; 
but on the accession of EHzabeth, he returned to the study 
of divinity, and became a distinguished preacher. In the 
year 1567 he took his doctor's degree, and about that time 
was appointed to the deanery of Christ Church, and for 
several years afterwards filled the office of vice-chancellor. 
In 1569 he was made Dean of Gloucester; and in 1570 
he was consecrated Bishop of Lincoln. The state of the 
church of Lincoln, as described by Archbishop Parker, was 
lamentable. There were, he says, only six prebendaries, 
and some of them were puritans. In 1584 Cooper was 
translated to Winchester. While he was Bishop of Win- 
chester he wrote a paper entitled, " Cogitations conceived 
for answer to those petitions w^hich were offered to my 
lords of the upper house, by certain honourable and 
worshipful of the lower house of parliament." The paper 
is printed in Strype's Whitgift, but is not worth trans- 
cribing here. Cooper was married, and was unfortunate 
in his wife. He died in 1594. He wrote the Epitome of 
Chronicles from the 17th year after Christ to 1540, and 
thence afterwards to the year 1560, in 1560, 4to. The- 
saurus Linguse Romanse et Britannicae, &c., et Diction- 
arium Historicum et Poeticum, in 1565, folio; A Brief 
Exposition of such chapters of the Old Testament as 
usually are read in the Church at Common Prayer, on the 
Sundays throughout the Year, in 1573, 4to; Twelve 
Sermons, on different texts, 1580, 4to; An Admonition to 
the People of England ; wherein are answered not only 
the Slanderous Untruths reproachfully uttered by Martin 
the Libeller, but also many other crimes by some of his 
brood, objected generally against all Bishops, and the 
chief of the clergy, &c., 1589, 4to. The last-mentioned 
work was written in reply to a scurrilous puritanical pam- 
phlet, published under the name of Martin Mar-Prelate ; 
and provoked answers in two ludicrous pamphlets, entitled 
Ha' ye any Work for a Cooper ? and more Work for a 
Cooper. — Godwin. Wood. Strype. 



John Conybeare was born at Pinhoe, in Devonshire, 
in 1692. He received his education at the grammar 
school of Exeter, and next at the college of that name in 
Oxford : where, in 1710, he obtained a fellowship. In 
1716 he entered into orders, and the same year took his 
degree of master of arts. In 1724 he was presented to 
the rectory of St. Clement's, in Oxford ; and in 1727 he 
obtained great celebrity by a visitation sermon on the 
case of subscription. Conybeare's position in this ser- 
mon is, that " every one who subscribes the articles of 
religion, does thereby engage, not only not to dispute 
or contradict them ; but his subscription amounts to an 
approbation of, and an assent to, the truth of the doc- 
trines therein contained, in the very sense in which 
the compilers are supposed to have understood them." 
Mr. Conybeare's next publication was an assize sermon, 
preached at St. Mary's, Oxford, in 1727, from Ezra 
vii. 26, and entitled The Penal sanctions of Laws con- 

In 1728 he took his degree of B.D. ; and the same 
year that of doctor. In 1730 he was chosen rector of his 
college ; and in 173^ published his Defence of Revealed 
Religion against Tindal's Christianity as old as the Crea- 
tion, or the Gospel a Republication of the Law of Nature. 
Bishop War burton styles this " one of the best reasoned 
books in the world." In this year he was appointed dean 
of Christ Church, on which occasion he resigned his 
headship. In 1750 he was consecrated Bishop of Bristol, 
and would probably have been further advanced had he 
not been cut off at Bath, by a complication of disorders, 
July 13, 1755. His remains were interred in his cathe- 
dral; and afterwards two volumes of his sermons were 
published by subscription: but these did not include 
twelve discourses, which he printed in his life time. — 
Biog. Brit. 

VOL. IV. s 

178 COSIN. 


Julius C.f:sAR Cordara was born in Alexandria de la 
Paglia, in 17(J4. Being taken early to Home, he was ad- 
mitted as a Jesuit in his fourteenth year. He was distin- 
guished as a dramatic writer and a satirist, and for his 
devotion to the exiled Iritewart family : but he is mentioned 
here not as a satirist or play writer, but as the author 
of a work which he published in 1750, entitled Historia 
Societatis Jesu pars sexta complcctens res gestas sub 
Mutio Vitellesco tomus prior. Ho had been appointed 
historiographer of the Jesuits in 1742. This was followed 
by his Caroli Odoardi Stuartu, Walliae principis, Expe- 
ditio in Scotiam, Libris IV. comprehensa. On the disso- 
lution of the order of the Jesuits, he retired in 1772 from 
Home to Turin, whence, towards the close of his life, he 
retired to his native place, where he died in 1790. — 
BiorjrapJde Universclle. 


John Cosin was born at Norwich, November 30, 1594, 
and having been educated at the free school in that city, 
was entered at Caius College, Cambridge, in 1610, of 
which college he became successively scholar and fellow. 
When about twenty years of age he was appointed first 
librarian, and afterwards secretary to Dr. Overall, Bishop 
of Coventry and Lichfield. The title of the bishop of that 
see was Coventry and Lichfield till the Restoration, when 
the style was changed to Lichfield and Coventry. In 1619 
Cosin lost his friend and patron Bishop Overall, but was 
soon after appointed domestic chaplain to Dr. Neile, Bishop 
of Durham. In those days Bishops regularly observed all 
the offices of the Church, and had morning and evening 
service duly performed in their chapels. A domestic chap- 
lain was therefore necessary to a Bishop, and the office 
was not a sinecure. In 1624 Mr. Cosin became a pre- 

COSIN. 179 

bendary of Durham, and arcLdeacon of the East Riding in 
the Church of York. He was a conscientious man. He 
could not become a prebendary without doing the duties 
of his office ; he would have thought it sinful to attend 
the services of the cathedral publicly while in private he 
reviled the cathedral service ; to have been regular in his 
attendance during his strict residence, but never to have 
entered the church on a week-day when his strict residence 
was at an end : to have received a full income from his 
estates, and to have adorned his own house, leaving only 
the house of God unadorned, and the clioir unsupported : 
he felt that he was appointed to his prebend not only that 
he might have time for study, but thfit he might regulate 
the services of the Church so as to make them a model to 
other sanctuaries, and to have them conducted with the 
grandeur and ceremony which was befitting in such a 
temple. He was what was not so rare in those times as 
we may be apt to imagine, an honest prebendary or canon, 
and consequently he was called a papist. 

The maids of honour who attended the Queen Henrietta 
Maria, being many of them piously disposed, wished to 
employ themselves at their devotions when they saw their 
royal mistress so occupied. The good King Charles found 
them often reading Romish books of devotion. Instead of 
reviling them for their devotional spirit, he more wisely 
determined to provide them with a more Catholic manual 
than that which they possessed, and employed Archdeacon 
Cosin to draw up a collection of devotions. He completed 
his work admirably, and in it provided for the observance 
of all the canonical hours. The work has lately been 
reprinted, and has had for its editor the Venerable Arch- 
deacon Harrison, chaplain to the Archbishop of Canter- 
bury. But Cosin lived in an age almost as uncharitable 
as our own, and his book was both ignorantly and mali- 
maliciously assailed ; and with puritanical levity, the 
notorious William Prynne entitled it, " Cozen's Cozening 

In 1628 Cosins took his deforce of D.D., and was 

180 COSIN. 

engaged with the other members of the chapter of 
Durham, in prosecuting one of the prebendaries, a wicked 
fanatic, Peter Sharp by name, for preaching a seditious 
sermon in the cathedral. Sharp seems to have been 
enraged with his brother prebendaries for endeavouring 
to keep their oaths, while he wilfully neglected his own. 
The text of his sermon was, Psalm xxxi. 7. I hate them 
that hold of sujjerstitlous vanities. From which he took 
occasion to make a most bitter invective against some of 
the bishops, charging them with no less than popery and 
idolatry. Among other virulent expressions he had these, 
'* The Whore of Babylon's bastardly brood, doting upon 
their mother's beauty, that painted harlot of the Church 
of Rome, have laboured to restore her all her robes and 
jewels again, especially her looking glass, the mass, in 
which she may behold her bravery. The mass coming in, 
brings with it an inundation of ceremonies, crosses, and 
crucihxes, chalices and images, copes and candlesticks, 
tapers and basons, and a thousand such trinkets, which 
we have seen in this church, since the Communion table 
was turned into an altar. I assure you the altar is an 
idol, a damnable idol as it is used. I say they are whores 
and whoremongers, they commit spiritual fornication, who 
bow their bodies before that idol the altar, &c." For this 
sermon he was questioned first at Durham, afterwards in 
the high commission court at London ; from whence he 
was removed, at his own desire, to that at York, where, 
refusing with great scorn, to recant, he was, for his obsti- 
nacy, degraded, and by sentence at common law, soon 
after dispossessed of his prebend and livings : whereupon 
he was supplied with £400 a year by subscription from 
the puritan party, which was more than all his prefer- 
ments amounted to. As for Dr. Cosin, he was so far from 
being Mr. Smart's chief prosecutor (as he avers) that after 
lie was questioned in the high commission at Durham, he 
never meddled in the matter, save that once he wrote a 
letter to the Archbishop of York and the commissioners 
in his favour. 

COSIN. 181 

We almost seem in this description to have an account 
of what is passing in our own times. And one cannot but 
regret to find that the spirit of puritanism is so unchanged, 
so indevout, so bitter, so regardless of truth. 

Dr. Cosin was appointed master of Peter-house in 
163 1, and dean of Peterborough in 1640. But his 
troubles were now to begin, for the low church party had 
nearly succeeded, as far as success in such a case is 
possible, in ruining the church. On the 10th of Novem- 
ber this year, Peter Smart, perceiving the time of revenge 
to have come, sent a petition against him to the house of 
commons, and in January following Dr. Cosin, having 
been previously taken into custody by the sargeant-at-arms, 
had the honour of being the first clergyman who by a vote 
of the whole house was sequestered from his ecclesiastical 
benefices. The low churchmen and dissenters were united 
in the house, and were as eager to commence the persecu- 
tion of true Christians as ever Bonner or Gardiner could 
have been in the reign of Mary. On the 21st of March 
they sent up to the House of Lords twenty-one articles of 
impeachment against him. 

They were carried up by one Mr. Rouse, who intro- 
duced them with the following speech. " My lords, I am 
commanded by the House of Commons, to present to your 
lordships a declaration and impeachment against Dr. Co- 
sin, and others, upon the complaint of Mr. Peter Smart ; 
which Mr. Smart was a proto-martyr, or first confessor of 
note in the late days of persecution. The whole matter is 
a tree, whereof the branches and fruit are manifest in the 
articles of this declaration." Then follow these articles 
against Dr. Cosin. 

1. That he was the the first man that caused the com- 
munion table in the church of Durham to be removed 
and set altar- ways, in the erection and beautifyiug 
whereof, he (being then treasurer) expended two hundred 

2. That he used to officiate at the west side thereof, 
turning his back to the people. 


182 COSIN. 

3. That he used extraordinary bowing to it. 

4. That he compelled others to do it, using violence 
to the persons of them that refused so to do : for instance, 
once some omitting it, he comes out of his seat, down 
to the seat where they sat, being gentlewomen, called 
them whores, and jades, and pagans, and the like un- 
seemly words, and rent some of their clothes. 

5. That he converted divers prayers in the Book of 
Common Prayer into hymns, to be sung in the choir, 
and played with the organ, contrary to the ancient custom 
of that church. 

6. That whereas it had been formerly a custom in that 
church, at the end of every sermon, to sing a psalm ; this 
custom, when Dr. Cosin came thither, was abrogated, and 
instead thereof they sung an anthem in the choir, there 
being no psalm sung either at the minister's going up 
into the pulpit, or at his coming down. 

7. That the first Candlemas day at night, that he had 
been in that church, he caused three hundred wax candles 
to be set up and lighted in the church at once, in honour 
of our lady, and placed three-score of them upon and 
about the altar. 

8. That in this church there were reliques of divers 
images, above which were remaining the ruins of two 
seraphims, with the picture of Christ between them, 
erected in Queen Mary's time, in the time of popery ; all 
which, when Queen Elizabeth came to the crown, were 
demolished, by virtue of a commission by her to that 
intent granted, which so continued demolished from that 
time, till Dr. Cosin came to that church, who, being 
treasurer, caused the same to be repaired, and most 
gloriously painted. 

9. That all the time he was unmarried he wore a cope 
of white satin, never officiating in any other, it being 
reserved solely for him, no man excepting himself making 
use thereof, v»'hich, after marriage, he cast off, and never 
after wore. 

AG. That there was a knife belonging to the church., 

COSIN. 15<3 

kept altogether in the vestry, being put to none but holy- 
uses, as cutting the bread in the sacrament, and the 
like ; Dr. Cosin refusing to cut the same with any other 
but that, thinking all others that were unconsecrated 
polluted ; but that, which he putting holiness in, never 
termed but the consecrated knife. 

11. That in a sermon preached in that church, he did 
deliver certain words in disgrace of the reformers of our 
Church, for instance, the words were these, " The refor- 
mers of this Church, when they abolished the mass, took 
away all good order, and, instead of a reformation, made 
it a deformation." 

1'2. That he seldom or never, in any of his sermons, 
stiled the ministers of the word and sacraments by any 
other name than priests, nor the communion table by any 
other name than altar. 

18. That by his appointment there was a cope bought, 
the seller being a convicted Jesuit, and afterwards em- 
ployed in that church, having upon it the invisible and 
incomprehensible Trinity. 

14. That whereas it had been formerly a custom in that 
church, at five of the clock to have morning prayers read, 
winter and summer : this custom, when Dr. Cosin came 
thither, was abandoned ; and instead thereof was used 
singing and playing on the organs, and some few prayers 
read, and this was called first service ; which being ended, 
the people departed out of the church, returning at nine 
o'clock, and having then morning prayers read unto them, 
and this was called second service ; which innovation 
being raisliked and complained of by Mr. Justice Hutton, 
was reformed. 

15. That he framed a superstitious ceremony in light- 
ing the tapers which were placed on the altars, which, for 
instance, was this : a company of boys that belonged to 
the church, came in at the choir door with torches in 
their hands lighted, bowing towards the altar at their first 
entrance, bowing thrice before they lighted the tapers : 
having done, they withdrew themselves, bowing so oft as 

184 COSIN. 

before, not once turning their back parts towards the 
altar, the organs all the time going. 

16. That he counselled some young students of the 
university to be imitators and practicers of his super- 
stitious ceremonies, who, to ingratiate themselves in his 
favour, did accordingly ; and being afterwards reproved 
for the same by some of their friends, confessed that 
Dr. Cosin first induced them to that practice, and encour- 
aged them therein. 

17. That he used upon communion days to make the 
sign of the cross with his finger, both upon the seats 
whereon they were to sit, and the cushions to kneel upon, 
using some words when he so did. 

18. That one Sabbath day there was set up an un- 
necessary company of tapers and lights in the church, 
which Dr. Hunt, being then dean, fearing they might 
give offence, since they were then unnecessary, sent his 
man to pull them dow^n, who did so ; but Dr. Cosin being 
thereat aggrieved, came to the fellow, and there miscalled 
him in a most uncivil manner, and began to beat him in 
the public view of the congregation to the great disturb- 
ance of the same. 

19. That the dean and chapter of that church, whereof 
Dr. Cosin was one, with many others, being invited to 
dinner in the town of Durham, Dr. Cosin then and 
there spake words derogating from the King's preroga- 
tive : the words were these : " The King hath no more 
power over the Church than the boy that rubs my horse- 

20. That there being many of the canons of the said 
church present at that time, amongst the rest there was 
one took more notice of his words than the rest, and 
acquainted one of his fellow-canons with them when he 
came home. This canon, being a friend to Dr. Cosin, 
told the doctor that such a man exclaimed of him, and 
charged him with words that he should speak at such a 
time ; the doctor presently sends for him, and when he 
came into the house the doctor desires him to follow him 

COSIN. 185 

into an inner room, who did so ; but so soon as he came 
in the doctor shuts the door, and sets both his hands upon 
him, calHng him rogue and rascal, and many other names, 
insomuch that the man, fearing he would do him a mis- 
chief, cried out ; Mrs. Cosin coming in, endeavoured to 
appease her husband, and holding his hands, the other 
ran away. 

'21. That the doctor did seek many unjust ways to 
ensnare this man, that so he might take a just occasion to 
put him out of his place ; but none of them taking effect, 
he put him out by violence, having no other reason why 
he did so, but because he had no good voice, when he had 
served the place two years before Dr. Cosin came thither : 
for instance of which unjust ways to ensnare this man, 
Dr. Cosin hired a man and a woman to pretend a desire 
of matrimony, and to offer a sum of money to this petty 
canon to contract matrimony between them in a private 
chamber, so thereupon to take advantage of his revenge 
upon him. This plot being confessed by the parties 
to be first laid by Dr. Cosin, and that they were his 

Besides the several particulars mentioned in these 
articles, Mr. Fuller informs us that Dr. Cosin was accused 
of having bought a cope with the Trinity, and God the 
Father, in the figure of an old man ; another with a 
crucifix, and the image of Christ, with a red beard, and 
a blue cap. And to have made an anthem to be sung, 
of the three Kings of Collen, by the names of Gasper, 
Balthazar, and Melchior. 

To these articles Dr. Cosin put in his answer upon 
oath before the House of Lords. But seeing afterwards 
the substance of them pubUshed in Mr. Fuller's Eccle- 
siastical History, he wrote from Paris a letter to Mr. War- 
ren and Dr. Reves, in bis own vindication, dated April 6, 
1658, wherein he declares, as he had done before the 

1. That the communion table in the church of Durham 
(which in the Bill of Complaint and Mr. Fuller's history 

T U 

186 COSIN. 

is said to be the marble altar, with cherubims) was not 
set up by him [Dr. Cosin,] but by the dean and chapter, 
(whereof Mr. Smart himself was one) many years before 
Mr. Cosin became prebendary of that church, or ever saw 
the country. 

'^. That by the public accounts which are there regis- 
tered, it did not appear to have cost above the tenth part 
of what is pretended, appurtenances and all. 

3. That likewise the copes used in that church w^ere 
brought in thither long before his [Dr. Cosin's] time, and 
when Mr. Smart the complainant was prebendary there, 
who also allowed his part (as he [Dr. Cosin] was ready to 
prove by the Act book) of the money that they cost, for 
they cost but little. 

4. That as he never approved the picture of the Trinity, 
or the image of God the Father, in the figure of an old 
man, or otherwise to be made or placed any w^here at all ; 
so he was well assured that there were none such (nor to 
his own knowledge or hearsay ever had been) put upon 
any cope that was used there. One there was that had 
the story of the Passion embroidered upon it all, but the 
cope that he used to wear, when at any time he attended 
the communion service, was of plain white satin only 
without any embroidery upon it at all. 

5. That what the Bill of Complaint, called the image 
of Christ, with a blue cap, and a golden beard, (Mr. Ful- 
ler's history says it was red, and that it w'as set upon one 
of the copes) was nothing else but the top of Bishop Hat- 
field's tomb (set up in the church, under a side-arch 
there, two hundred years before Dr. Cosin was born) 
being a little portraiture, not appearing to be above ten 
inches long, and hardly discernable to the eye what figure 
it is, for it stands thirty feet from the ground. 

6. That by the local statutes of that Church (whereunto 
Mr. Smart was sworn, as w^ell as Dr. Cosin) the treasurer 
was to give order, that provision should every year be 
made of a sufficient number of wax lights for the service of 
the choir, during all the winter time ; which statute he 

COSIN. 187 

[Dr. Cosin] observed when he wasrehosen into that office, 
and had order from the dean and chapter, bj capitular 
act, to do it ; jet upon the communion table they that 
used to light the candles, never set more than two fair 
candles, with a few small sizes near to them, which they 
put there of purpose, that the people all about might have 
the better use of them for singing the psalms, and read- 
ing the lessons out of the Bibles : but two hundred was a 
greater number than they used all the church over, either 
upon Candlemas night, or any other. 

7. That he never forbad (nor any body else that he knew) 
the singing of the (metre) psalms in the church, w^iich 
he used to sing daily there himself, with other company, 
at morning prayer. But upon Sundays and holy-days, in 
the choir, before the sermon, the creed was sung, (and 
that plainly for every one to understand) as is appointed 
in the communion book ; and after the sermon, was sung 
a part of a psalm, or some other anthem taken out of the 
Scripture, and first signified to the people where they 
might find it. 

8. That so far was he from making any anthem to be 
sung of the three Kings of Collen, as that he made it, 
when he first saw it, to be torn in pieces, and he himself 
cut it out of the old song books belonging to the choristers' 
school, with a penknife that lay by, at his very first 
coming to that college. But he was sure that no such 
anthem had been sung in the choir during all his time of 
attendance there, nor (for ought that any of the eldest 
persons of the church and town could tell, or ever heard 
to the contrary,) for fifty or three- score years before, or 
more . 

9. That there was indeed an ordinary knife, provided 
and laid ready among other things belonging to the 
administration of the communion, for the cutting of the 
bread, and divers other uses in the church vestry. But 
that it was ever consecrated, or so called, otherwise than 
as Mr. Smart, and some of his followers had, for their 
pleasure, put that appellation upon it ; he [Dr. Cosin] 

188 COSIN. 

never heard, nor believed any body else had, that lived 
at Durham. The rest of the articles mentioned above, 
Mr. Smart could not prove, and Dr. Cosin gave a very 
satisfactory answer to them, remaining upon the Rolls of 

The whole of this statement has been given to confirm 
what has been said before of the unchanged spirit of 
puritanism. Dr. Cosin was dismissed by the Lords 
upon his putting in bail for his appearance, but he was 
not summoned to appear again. But the evil spirit of 
puritanism is not easily laid. Upon amotion made in the 
House of Commons that he had enticed a young scholar 
to popery he was again committed to the sargeantat-arms, 
to attend daily till the house should call him to a hearing. 
The low churchmen and puritans both in the church and 
out of it, knew very well that all this was a falsehood, and 
that in fact he had when vice-chancellor of Cambridge 
severely punished that very scholar by making him recant, 
and by expelling him the university. But the end was 
supposed to justify the means, and Dr. Cosin was com- 
pelled to attend the house daily till the house should call 
him to a hearing, which hearing he did not obtain till after 
fiftydays' imprisonment, during which time he had to pay 
twenty shillings a day. He was of course acquitted, but 
received no reparation for the wrong done to him. It is 
to be hoped that puritanism may not again obtain the 
upper hand, and that the House of Commons may never 
again interfere in the affairs of religion. An attempt is 
not unfrequently made to do so, but the ignorance dis- 
played by the leading members of the honourable house is 
not very creditable to the country it represents. 

As Cosin had the honour to be the first of the clergy 
sequestered, so was he the first to be turned out. What 
the puritans could not do by law they effected by force ; 
he was ejected from his mastership in 1642, having 
exasperated the puritans and their friends, by sending 
the plate of the university to the King at York. Being 
deprived of all his preferments, he left the kingdom 

COSIN. 189 

and proceeded to Paris, where he formed a congregation, 
and had several discussions with the Jesuits and Romish 

At the restoration of Charles II., Dr. Cosin returned to 
England, and took possession of all his preferments ; but 
before the year was out, was raised to the see of Durham, 
being consecrated upon the 2nd of December, 1660. As 
soon as he could get down to his diocese, he set about 
reforming many abuses, that had crept in there during 
the late anarchy ; and distinguished himself greatly by his 
charity and public spirit. He laid out a great share of 
his large revenues in repairing or re-building the several 
edifices belonging to the bishopric of Durham, which had 
eitlier been demolished, or neglected, during the civil 
wars. He repaired, for instance, the castle at Bishop "s 
Auckland, the chief country seat of the Bishops of Dur- 
ham; that at Durham, which he greatly enlarged ; and the 
bishop's house at Darlington, then very ruinous. He also 
enriched his new chapel at Auckland, and that at Durham, 
with several pieces of gilt plate, books, and other costly 
ornaments; the charge of all which buildings, repairs, and 
ornaments, amounted, according to Dr. Smith, to near 
sixteen thousand pounds ; but as others say, to no less 
than twenty-six thousand pounds. He likewise built and 
endowed two hospitals ; the one at Durham for eight poor 
people, the other at Auckland for four. The annual revenue 
of the former was seventy pounds, that of the latter thirty 
pounds : and near his hospital at Durham, he re-built the 
school-houses, which cost about three hundred pounds. 
He also built a library near the castle of Durham, the 
charge whereof, with the pictures with which he adorned 
it, amounted to eight hundred pounds ; and gave books 
thereto to the value of two thousand pounds, as also an 
annual pension of twenty marks for ever to a librarian. 
But his generosity in this way was not confined within 
the precincts of his diocese. He re-built the east end of 
the chapel at Peter-house, in Cambridge, which cost three 
hundred and twenty pounds; and gave books to the library 

190 COSIN. 

of that college to tbe value of one thousand pounds. He 
founded eight scholarships in the same university ; viz : 
five in Peter-house of ten pounds a year each, and three in 
Caius College of twenty nobles a piece per annum : both 
which, together with a provision of eight pounds yearly, 
to the common chest of those two colleges respectively, 
amounted to two thousand five hundred pounds. 

It is indeed impossible to recount all the numerous 
benefactions of this generous Bishop. He gave to the 
cathedral at Durham a fair carved lectern, and litany-desk, 
with a large scalloped silver patten, gilt, for the use of the 
communicants there, which cost forty-five pounds. Upon 
the new building of the Bishop's court, exchequer, and 
chancery, and towards the erecting of two session- houses 
at Durham, he gave a thousand pounds. Moreover, he 
gave towards the redemption of Christian captives, at 
Algiers, five hundred pounds. Towards the relief of the 
distressed loyal party in England, eight hundred pounds. 
For repairing the banks in Howdenshire, a hundred 
marks. Towards the repair of St. Paul's cathedral, in 
London, fifty pounds. By his will he bequeathed to the 
poor of his hospitals at Durham and Auckland, to be dis- 
tributed at his funeral, six pounds. To the poor people 
of the country, coming to his funeral, twenty pounds. 
To poor prisoners detained for debt, in the gaols of 
Durham, York, Peterborough, Cambridge, and Norwich, 
fifty pounds. To the poor people within the precints of 
the cathedral at Norwich, and within the parish of 
St. Andrew's there, in which he was born and educated in 
his minority, twenty pounds. To the poor of Durham, 
Auckland, Darlington, Stockton, Gateshead, and Bran- 
speth, (all in the bishopric of Durham), thirty pounds. 
To the poor in the parishes of Chester in the Street, 
Houghton-le-Spring, North-Allerton, Creike, and Howden, 
(all lordships belonging to the Bishops of Durham) forty 
pounds. Towards the re-building of St. Pauls cathedral 
in London, when it should be raised five yards from the 
ground, a hundred pounds. To the cathedral of Norwich, 

COSIN. 101 

whereof the one half to be bestowed on a marble tablet, 
with an inscription, in memory of Dr. John Overall, some 
time Bishop there, (whose chaplain he had been) the rest 
for providing some useful ornaments for the altar, forty 
pounds. Towards the re-edifying of the north and south 
sides of the College chapel at Peter-house, in Cambridge, 
suitable to the east and w^est ends, already by him per- 
fected, two hundred pounds. Towards the new building 
of the chapel at Emanuel College, in Cambridge, fifty 
pounds. To the children of Mr. John Heyward, late 
prebendary of Lichfield, as a testimony of his gratitude 
to their deceased father, who, in his lordship's younger 
years, placed him with his uncle, Bishop Overall, twenty 
pounds a piece. To the dean and chapter of Peter- 
borough, to be employed for the use of the poor in that 
town, a hundred pounds. To the poor of Durham, Bran- 
speth, and Bishop's Auckland, to be distributed as his two 
daughters (the lady Gerard, and the lady Burton) should 
think best, a hundred pounds. 

This great and good man died in 1672. Besides the 
benefactions alluded to above, his will is remarkable as 
containing his profession of faith ; wherein, after repeat- 
ing the substance of the Apostles' and Nicene creeds, he 
condemns and rejects whatsoever heresies or schisms, the 
ancient catholic and universal Church of Christ with an 
unanimous consent, had rejected and condemned ; to- 
gether with all the modern fautors of the same heresies ; 
sectaries, and fanatics, who, being carried on with an 
evil spirit, do falsely give out, they are inspired of God. 
As the anabaptists, new independents, and presbyterians 
of our country, a kind of men hurried away with the 
spirit of malice, disobedience, and sedition. " Moreover, 
(adds he) I do profess, with holy asseveration, and from 
my very heart, that I am now, and ever have been from 
my youth, altogether free mid averse from the corruptions 
and impertinent new-fangled, or papistical superstitions 
and doctrines, — long since introduced, contrary to the 
Holy Scripture, and the rules and customs of the ancient 

192 COSIN. 

Fathers. But in what part of the world soever any 
Churches are extant, bearing the name of Christ, and pro- 
fessing the true catholic faith and religion, worshipping 
and calling upon God the Father, the Son, and the Holy 
Ghost, with one heart and voice, if I be now hindered 
actually to join with them, either by distance of countries, 
or variance amongst men, or by any hindrance what- 
soever ; yet always in my mind and affection I join and 
unite wdth them ; which I desire to be chiefly understood 
by protestants, and the best Reformed Churches, &c." 
This part of his Will was written in Latin, and the latter 
part containing his benefactions, in English. 

How accurately he understood the points of difference 
between the Church of England and the Church of Rome, 
may be seen from the following paper, published by 
Dr. Hickes in the Appendix to his "Letters." "We that 
profess the catholic faith and religion in the Church of 
England do not agree with the Roman Catholics in any 
thiug w^hereunto they now endeavour to convert us. But 
we totally dissent from them (as they do from the ancient 
catholic Church) in these points. 

J . That the Church of Rome is the mother and mistress 
of all the other churches in the world. 

2. That the Pope of Rome is the vicar-general of Christ : 
or that he hath an universal jurisdiction over all Chris- 
tians that shall be saved. 

3. That either the Synod of Trent was a general council ; 
or that all the canons thereof are to be received as matters 
of catholic faith, under pain of damnation. 

4. That Christ hath instituted seven true and proper 
Sacraments in the New Testament, neither more nor less, 
all conferring grace, and all necessary to salvation. 

5. That the priests offer up our Saviour in the mass, as 
a real, proper, and propitiatory sacrifice for the quick and 
the dead, and that whosoever believes it not, is eternally 

6. That in the Sacrament of the Eucharist, the whole 
substance of bread is converted into the substance of 

COSIN. 195 

Clirist's Body, and the whole substance of wine into His 
Blood, so truly and properly, as that after consecration 
there is neither any bread nor wine remaining there, which 
they call transubstantiation, and impose upon all persons, 
under pain of damnation to be believed. 

7. That the Communion under one kind is sufficient 
and lawful (notwithstanding the institution of Christ 
under both), and that whosoever believes or holds other- 
wise is damned. 

8. That there is a purgatory after this life, wherein the 
souls of the dead are punished, and from whence they are 
fetched out by the prayers and offerings of the living : and 
that there is no salvation possibly to be had by any that 
will not believe as much. 

9. That all the old saints departed, and all those dead 
men and women, whom the pope hath of late canonized 
for saints, or shall hereafter do so, whosoever they be, 
are and ought to be invocated by the religious prayers 
and devotion of all persons, and that they who do not 
believe this as an article of the catholic faith cannot be 

10. That the relics of all these true or reputed saints 
ought to be religiously worshipped ; and that whosoever 
holdeth the contrary is damned. 

11. That the images of Christ and the blessed Virgin, 
and of the other saints, ought not only to be had and 
retained, but likewise to be honoured and worshipped, 
according to the use and practices of the Roman 
Church ; and that this is to be believed as of necessity 
to salvation. 

1'-^, That the power and use of indulgences, as they are 
now practised in the Church of Rome, both for the living 
and the dead, is to be received and held of all, under pain 
of eternal perdition. 

13. That all the ceremonies used by the Roman Church 
in the administration of the Sacrament (such as are spittle 
and salt in baptism ; the five crosses upon the altars, and 

VOL. IV. u 

194 COSIN. 

Sacrament of the Eucharist ; the holding of that Sacra- 
ment over the priest's head to be adored ; the exposing of 
it in their churches to be worshipped by the people ; the 
circumgcstation and carrying of it abroad in procession 
upon their Corpus Christi day, and to their sick for the 
same ; the oil and chrism in confirmation ; the anointing 
of the ears, the eyes and noses, the hands and reins of 
those that are ready to die ; the giving of an empty 
chalice and paten to them that are to be ordained priests, 
and many others of this nature, now in use with them) 
are of necessity to salvation, to be approved and admitted 
by all other Churches. 

14. That all the ecclesiastical observations and consti- 
tutions of the same church (such as are their laws of for- 
bidding all priests to marry ; the appointing several orders 
of monks, friars, and nuns in the church ; the service of 
God in an unknown tongue ; the saying of a number of 
Ave Marias by tale upon their chaplets ; the sprinkling 
of themselves and the dead bodies with holy water, as 
operative and effectual to the remission of venial sins ; 
the distinctions of meats to be held for true fasting ; 
the religious consecration and incensing of images ; the 
baptizing of bells ; the dedicating of divers holidays 
for the immaculate Conception, and the bodily Assump- 
tion of the blessed Virgin; and for Corpus Christi, or 
transubstantiation of the Sacrament ; the making of the 
apocryphal books to be as canonical as any of the rest of 
the holy and undoubted Scriptures ; the keeping of those 
Scriptures from the free use and reading of the people ; 
the approving of their own Latin translation only, and 
divers other matters of the like nature) are to be approved, 
held, and believed as needful to salvation, and that, who- • 
ever approves them not, is out of the catholic Church, 
and must be damned. 

All which in their several respects, we hold some to be 
pernicious, some unnecessary, many false, and many fond, 
and none of them to be imposed upon any church, or any 

COSIN. 195 

Christian, as the Roman catholics do upon all Christians, 
and all churches whatsoever, for matters needful to be 
approved for eternal salvation. 


If the Roman Catholics would make the essence of 
their Church (as we do ours) to consist in these following 
points, we are at accord with them. In the reception and 
believing of : 

1. All the two and twenty canonical books of the Old 
Testament, and the twenty-seven of the New, as the only 
foundation and perfect rule of our faith. 

2. All the apostolical and ancient creeds, especially 
those which are commonly called the Apostles' Creed, the 
Nicene Creed, and the Creed of St. Athanasius, all which 
are clearly deduced out of the Scriptures. 

3. All the decrees of faith and doctrines set forth, as 
well in the first four general councils, as in all other 
councils, which those first four approved and confirmed, 
and in the fifth and sixth general councils besides (than 
which we find no more to be general), and in all the 
following councils that be thereunto agreeable ; and in all 
the anathemas or condemnations given out by those 
councils against heretics, for the defence of the Catholic 

4. The unanimous and general consent of the ancient 
catholic Fathers, and the universal Church of Christ, in 
the interpretation of the Holy Scriptures, and the col- 
lection of all necessary matters of faith from them during 
the first six hundred years, and downwards to our own 

5. In acknowledgment of the Bishop of Rome, if he 
would rule and be ruled by the ancient canons of the 
Church, to be the patriarch of the West, by right of 
ecclesiastical and imperial constitution, in such places 
where the kings and governors of those places had 

196 COSIK 

received him, and found it behooveful for them to make 
use of his jurisdiction, without any necessary dependence 
upon him by divine right. 

6. In the reception and use of the two blessed Sacra- 
ments by our Saviour ; in the confirmation of those 
persons that are to be strengthened in their Christian 
faith, by prayer and imposition of hands, according to the 
examples of the holy Apostles and ancient Bishops of the 
catholic Church ; in the public and solemn benediction 
of persons, that are to be joined together in haly matri- 
mony ; in public or private absolution of penitent sinners; 
in the consecrating of Bishops, and the ordaining of 
priests and deacons for the service of God in His Church, 
by a lawful succession ; and in visiting the sick, by pray- 
ing for them, and administering the blessed Sacrament to 
them, together with a final absolution of them from their 
repented sins. 

7. In commemorating at the Eucharist the sacrifice of 
Christ's Body and Blood, once truly offered for us. 

8. In acknowledging His sacramental, spiritual, true and 
Keal Presence there to the souls of all them that come 
faithfully and devoutly to receive Him, according to His 
own institution in that holy Sacrament. 

9. In giving thanks to God for them, that are departed 
out of this life in the true faith of Christ's catholic 
Church, and in praying to God that they may have a 
joyful resurrection, and a perfect consummation of bliss, 
both in their bodies and souls, in His eternal Kingdom of 

10. In the historical and moderate use of painted and 
true stories, either for memory or ornament, where there 
is no danger to have them abused or worshipped with 
religious honour. 

11. In the use of indulgences, or abating the rigour 
of the canons, imposed upon offenders according to 
their repentance, and their want of ability to undergo 

COSIN. 197 

12. In the administration of the two Sacraments, and 
other rites of the Church, with ceremonies of decency and 
order, according to the precept of the Apostle, and the 
free practice of the ancient Christians. 

13. In observing such hoHdays and times of fasting, 
as were in use in the first ages of the Church, or after- 
wards received upon just grounds, by public and lawful 

14. Finally, in the reception of all ecclesiastical consti- 
tutions and canons made for the ordering of our Church ; 
or others, which are not repugnant either to the Word of 
God ; or the power of kings, or the laws established by 
right authority in any nation. 

Besides the collection of Private Devotions, he pub- 
lished " A Scholastical History of the Canon of the 
Holy Scripture : or. The certain and indubitable Books 
thereof, as they are received in the Church of England." 
Loudon, 1657, 4to, reprinted in 1672. The history 
is deduced from the time of the Jewish Church, to the 
year 1546, that is, the time when the council of Trent 
corrupted, and made unwarrantable additions to, the 
ancient canon of the Holy Scriptures. Consequently 
it was directed against the papists, and was written by 
the author during his exile at Paris. He dedicated it to 
Dr. M. Wrenn, Bishop of Ely, then a prisoner in the 
tower. Dr. P. Gunning had the care of the edition. 
Since the Bishop s decease the following books and tracts 
of his have been published. 

1. "A letter to Dr. Collins, concerning the Sabbath," 
dated from Peter-house, Jan. 24, 1635. In which, speak- 
ing first of the morality of the Sabbath, he afiBrms, 
that the keeping of that particular day was not moral, 
neither by nature binding all men, nor by precept bind- 
ing any other men but the Jews, nor them further than 
Christ's time. But then, adds he, whether one day 
of seven, at least, do not still remain immutably to be 
kept by us Christians, that have God's will and ex- 

198 COSIN. 

ample before, and by yirtue of the rules of reason and 
religion, is the question ? And for this he decides in the 
affirmative. Then he proves, that the keeping of our 
Sunday is immutable, as being grounded upon divine 
institution, and apostolical tradition, which he confirms 
by several instances. Next he shews, that the schoolmen 
were the first who began to dispute, or deny, this day to 
be of apostolical institution, on purpose to set up the 
pope's power, to whom, they said, it belongeth, either to 
change or abrogate the day. Towards the end, he lay© 
down these three positions against the puritans : 1. " The 
observation of the Sunday in every week is not commanded 
us by the fourth commandment, as they say it is. 2. Nor 
is our Sunday to be observed according to the rule of the 
fourth commandment, as they say it is. 3. Nor hath it 
the qualities and conditions of the Sabbath annexed to it, 
as they say it hath." 2. There is published, " A Letter 
from Cosin to Mr. Cordel, dated Paris, Feb. 7, 1650." 
It is printed at the end of a pamphlet, entitled, " The 
Judgment of the Church of England, in the case of lay- 
baptism, and of dissenters' baptism." 3. Kegni Anglia? 
Eeligio Catholica, prisca, casta, defoecata : omnibus Chris- 
tianis Monarchis, Principibus, Ordinibus, ostensa. anno 
1652., i.e. A Short Scheme of the ancient and pure 
doctrine and discipline of the Church of England ; written 
at the request of Sir Edward Hyde, afterwards Earl of 
Clarendon. 4. Historia Transubstantationis Papalis. Cui 
praemittitur, atque opponitur, turn S. Scripturas, turn 
Veterum Patrum, & Pieformatarum Ecclesiarurn Doctrina 
Catholica, de Sacris Symbolis, & praesentia Christi in 
Sacramento Eucharistse, i. e. The History of Popish Tran- 
substantiation, &c., written by the author at Paris, for the 
use of some of his countrymen, who were frequently 
attacked upon that point by the Papists. It was pub- 
lished by Dr. Durell, at London, 1675, 8vo, and translated 
into English in 1676, by Luke de Beaulieu, 8vo. There 
is a second part still in manuscript. 5. "The differences 


in the chief points of religion, between the Roman Catholics 
and us of the Church of England; together with the agree- 
ments which ^Ye, for our parts, profess, and are ready to 
embrace, if thej, for theirs, were as ready to accord with 
us in the same. Writteu to the Countess of Peterborough." 
6. " Notes on the Book of Common Prayer." Published 
by Dr. William Nicholls, at the end of his Comment on 
the Book of Common Prayer, Lond. 1710, folio. 7. "Ac- 
count of a Conference in Paris, between Cyril, Archbishop 
of Trapezond, and Dr John Cosin." Printed in the same 

The following pieces were also written by Bishop 
Cosin, but never printed. 1. " An Answer to a Popish 
Pamphlet, pretending, that St. Cyprian was a Papist." 
2. "An Answer to four queries of a Roman Catholic, about 
the Protestant Religion." 3. "An Answer to a paper 
delivered by a Popish Bishop to the Lord Inchequin." 
4. " Annales Ecclesiastici, imperfect." 5. "x\n Answer to 
Father Robinsons Papers, concerning the validity of the 
Ordinations of the Church of England." 6. " Historia 
Conciliorum, imperfect." 7. " Against the forsakers of the 
Church of England, and their seducers in this time of her 
trial." 8. Chronologia Sacra, imperfect. 9. "A Treatise 
concerning the abuse of Auricular Confession in the 
Church of Rome." 

His whole works have been collected for the first time 
in the Anglo-Catholic Library. — Smith. Basire. Hickes. 
Hutchinson s History of Durham. Fuller. Walker. 


John Baptist Cotelerius, a learned Frenchman, was 
born at Nismes, in 1627. He very early displayed great 
abilities in the knowledge of the learned languages, and at 
the age of twelve was able to construe the New Testament 
in Greek, and the Old in Hebrew, with great ease. In 
1647 he took his B.D. degree. In 1649 he was elected a 
fellow of the Sorbonne. The Greek fathers were his chief 


study : he read their works both printed and manuscript 
with great exactness ; made notes upon them ; and trans- 
lated some of them into Latin. In the year 1660, he 
published four Homilies of St. Chrysostom upon the 
psalms, and his Commentary upon Daniel, with a Latin 
translation and notes. Then he set about his Collection 
of those fathers who lived in the apostolic age ; which he 
published in two volumes folio at Paris, in the year 1672, 
all reviewed and corrected from several manuscripts, with a 
Latin translation and notes. The editor's notes in this 
performance are very learned, and very curious : they 
explain the difficulties in the Greek terms, clear up 
several historical passages, and set matters of belief and 
discipline in a better light. He had published this work 
some years sooner, but he was interrupted by being 
pitched upon with Monsieur Du Cange to review the 
manuscripts in the King's library. This task he entered 
upon by Colbert's order in 1667, and was five years in 
performing it. 

In the year 1 676, he was made Greek professor in the 
Royal Academy at Paris, which post he maintained during 
his life with the highest reputation. He had the year 
before published the first volume of a work, entitled 
Monumenta Ecclesias Grsecse, which was a collection of 
Greek tracts out of the King's, and Monsieur Colbert's 
libraries, and had never been published before. He 
added a Latin translation and notes ; which, though not 
so large as those upon the Patres Apostolici, are said to 
be very curious. The first volume was printed in the 
year 1675, the second in 1681, and the third in 1686. 
He intended to have continued this work if he had lived. 
Upon the third of August, 1686, he was seized with an 
inflammatory disorder in his breast, which required him 
to be let blood : but Cotelerius had such a dislike to this 
operation, that, sooner than undergo it, he dissembled his 
illness, when, at last he consented, it was too late, for he 
died upon the 10th of the same month, when he was not 
sixty years of age. — Moreri. Baluzius. 



Peter Francis Courayer was born at Rouen, in Nor- 
mandy, where his father was president of the Court of 
Justice, November 17, 1681 ; received his first scientific 
instruction at Vernon ; came in his 1 4th year to the 
College of Beauvais at Paris ; and in the same place 
entered two years later the congregation of St. Genevieve. 
There he honourably distinguished himself by his talents 
and scientific efforts, so that in 1706 he was appointed 
presbyter of his congregation, and also professor of theo- 
logy. After he had performed the duties of this office up 
to August, 1711, the oversight of the rich library of the 
abbey was given into his hands. 

While canon and librarian of the Augustinian abbey of 
St. Genevieve, he projected his great work, A Dissertation 
on the Validity of the Ordinations of the English, and of 
the Succession of the Bishops of the Anglican Church. 
The origin of this work is as follows : having been engaged 
in reading Abbe Renaudot's " Memoire sur la validite des 
Ordinations des Anglois," inserted in Abbe Gould s " La 
veritable croyance de I'eglise Catholique," he was induced 
to enter into a farther examination of that subject. Ac- 
cordingly he drew up a memoir upon it, for his own satis- 
faction only, but which grew insensibly into a treatise : 
and at the instance of some friends to whom it was com- 
municated, he was at length prevailed with to consent to 
its publication. He therefore made the usual application 
for permission to print it ; and obtained the approbation 
of Mons. Arnaudin, the royal licenser of the press. Some 
persons, however, afterwards found means to prevail on 
the chancellor to refuse to affix the seal to the approbation 
of the licenser. Terms were proposed to Father Courayer, 
to which he could not accede, and he gave up all thoughts 
of pubhshing. Some of his friends, however, being in 
possession of a copy, resolved to print it : and this obliged 
him to acquiesce in the publication. When he first wrote 
his treatise, all his materials were taken from printed 


authorities, and he had no acquaintance or correspondence 
in England. But sundry difficulties, which occurred to 
him in the course of his inquiries, suggested to him the 
propriety of writing to England, in order to obtain clearer 
information on some points ; and knowing that a corres- 
pondence had been carried on between Dr. Wake, then 
Archbishop of Canterbury, and Dr. Dupin, on the project 
of re-uniting the Churches of England and France, he 
took the liberty, in 1721, although entirely unknown to 
that prelate, to desire his information respectiug some 
particulars. The Archbishop answered his inquiries with 
great readiness, candour, and politeness, and many letters 
passed between them on this occasion. Father Courayer's 
book was at length published in 1723, in two volumes 
small 8vo. 

The intention of Courayer in this work is thus described 
by himself in his preface, and what he designed he ably 
accomplished. " In order," he says, " to treat this subject 
with some method, I shall first set forth the chauges that 
have happened in the Church of England with regard to 
the succession of their Bishops, and their ordination. I 
shall shew afterwards that notwithstanding the changes 
introduced by Edward the Sixth in the Ordinal, there 
was nothing essential omitted in the consecration of 
Parker, who is the origin and source of the English 
ministry, such as it subsists at this day. In the chapters 
that follow, I shall prove the truth of Barlow's consecra- 
tion, upon which that of Parker depends ; and I shall 
endeavour to refute all the arguments which are brought 
against it. In fine, in discussing some general difficulties 
which are made use of to attack the validity of the new 
ordinations, I shall endeavour to lay down principles and 
maxims which may serve not only to establish the good- 
ness of the English ordinations, but also to the decision 
of other facts that might happen of the same kind. I 
shall moreover examine with some care, what authority a 
national Church may challenge in what concerns the 
administration of the Sacraments : and 1 hope to make it 


evident, that the Church of England has not exceeded her 
powers in those alterations she thought it right to make 
in her rites. By the examination of all these facts, and 
of these principles, it will be easy to decide what ought to 
be thought of the practice of many Bishops, who re-ordain 
the English ; and I think men will be easily convinced 
by the proofs we have produced, that this custom is con- 
trary to all the received maxims of the Church in the 
matter of re-ordinations, and that it is founded only upon 
chimerical facts, upon opinions that are abandoned, and 
and upon doubts that have no foundation." 

The value of this work is very great. It is to be 
remembered that it was written by a Romanist, not with 
a view of defending the Church of England, but with the 
design of establishing a position for the practice of his 
own communion. The question which Courayer discussed 
professedly, was this, whether clergymen of the Church 
of England conforming to the Church of Rome should be 
re-ordained, and whether in the event of the Church of 
England forming an alliance with the Church of Rome, 
the validity of her orders should be recognized. This 
double question Courayer answered in the affirmative. 
On other points, such as the justifiableness of our reform- 
ation, and our keeping ourselves separate from Rome, 
he takes part against us. The one point to which he 
addresses himself, however, is so ably argued, that the very 
fact of his disagreeing with us on the other points makes 
his arguments of greater weight. And the defence of the 
Church of England, on points whereupon he ventures to 
censure her is easy. There is no one point on which 
Romish controversialists have more frequently resorted to 
evil speaking, lying and slandering, than upon that which 
relates to our orders, and it is not wonderful that their 
conduct should have disgusted an honest mind like that 
of Courayer. 

Courayer's work was translated into English by the 
Rev. Daniel Williams, and published at London in one 
volume 8vo, under the title : "A Defence of the vahdity 


of the English Ordinations, and of the Succession of the 
Bishops in the Church of England : together with proofs 
justifying the facts advanced in this treatise." Father 
Courayer's work was immediately attacked by several 
popish wTiters, particularly by father le Quien and father 
Hardouin. Rutin 1726 he published, in four volumes 
12mo, " Defense de la Dissertation sur la validite des 
Ordinations des Anglois, centre les differentes responses 
qui y ont ete faites. Avec les preuves justificatives des 
faits avencez dans cet ouvrage. Par lAuteur de la Dis- 
sertation." An English translation of this also was after- 
wards published at London, in two volumes 8vo, under 
the following title : " A Defence of the Dissertation on 
the validity of the Enghsh Ordinations," &c. 

But father Courayer was not only attacked by those 
writers who published books against him : he was like- 
wise censured both by the mandates, and by the assem- 
blies of several bishops, and particularly by Cardinal De 
Noailles, x\rchbishop of Paris, and the Bishop of Mar- 
seilles. During this time he retired from Paris into the 
country, but was recalled by his superior to reside at the 
priory of Hennemonte, four leagues from Paris. Here he 
received a diploma for the degree of doctor in divinity 
from the university of Oxford, dated August 28, 1727 : 
and from hence he returned his thanks to the university 
in an elegant Latin letter, dated Dec. 1, the same year, 
both of which he afterwards printed. But though this 
book had procured this honourable testimonial of his merit 
from an English university, his enemies in Fiance were not 
satisfied with publishing censures and issuing episcopal 
mandates against him, but proceeded to measures for 
compelling him to recant what he had written, and to 
sign such submissions as were inconsistent with the 
dictates of his conscience. In this critical state of things, 
he resolved to quit his native country, and to seek an 
asylum in England. He was the more inclined to 
embrace this resolution, in consequence of the warm and 
friendly invitations which he had received from Arch- 


bishop Wake, who had conceived a great regard for him. 
After having spent four months very disagreeably at 
Hennemonte, he obtained leave to remove to Senlis ; but, 
instead of going thither, he took the road to Calais in 
the common stage coach, from thence got safely over to 
Dover, and arrived in London on the Qith of January, 

On his landing at Greenwich Viscount Perceval, after- 
wards Earl of Egmont, sent his coach with six horses to 
convey him to his house, which he desired the doctor to 
consider, and to use, as his own : after dinner his lord- 
ship made him a handsome present. Next day Dr. Wake, 
then Archbishop of Canterbury, had him to dine at his 
palace at Lambeth, and made him a like present. Bishop 
Hare, Bishop Sherlock, and several other prelates, treated 
him with similar generosity ; and soon after his arrival, 
the Marquis of Blandford made him a present of fifty 
pounds, through the hands of Nicholas Mann, Esq., after- 
wards master of the Charter-house. 

It is pleasing to be able to say with certainty, to the 
honour of this nation, that very many of the tables and 
houses of the great were generously opened for the recep- 
tion of P. Courayer, from the first moment of his arrival 
in England. He secured his future constant welcome by 
his own merits, and an instructive, entertaining, and in- 
offensive manner of conversation. 

He got early into the habit of living, for months toge- 
ther, in one or other of the first families in this kingdom ; 
and at the diiferent habitations of the Countess of Hert- 
ford, afterwards Duchess of Somerset, it was not unusual 
for him to make visits of six months at a time. 

He did not, however, continue very long a precarious 
pensioner on the bounty of our nobility, prelates, and 
gentry, who were not deficient in their generosity and 
attention to him. A national pension of £1 00 per annum 
was settled upon him. In 173G this pension was doubled 
by Queen Caroline, who, vviih ail her faults, was a uiuuifi- 



cent patroness of men of letters, and of indigent merit 
To her he dedicated his French translation of "Father 
Paul's History of the council of Trent, '" published in that 
year ; and his dedication is penned in a strain of lively 
and heartfelt gratitude. 

By the sale of the translation just mentioned he cleared, 
it is said, £1500, and was enabled to give £1000 to Lord 
Feversham for an annuity of £100, which he enjoyed for 
almost forty years. 

P. Courayer, after his coming into this country, was 
never in want of anything that was necessary for him, 
or that could contribute to the comfort of his life, which 
he protracted to the very advanced age of ninety-five years. 
By degrees, and in no great length of time, he got into 
very affluent circumstances, and was in the receipt of very 
much more money yearly than his frugal mode of living 

He wrote some other books in French, besides those 
that have been mentioned ; and, in particular, he tran- 
slated into that language Sleidan's " History of the Refor- 
mation." He died in Downing- Street, Westminster, after 
two days illness, on the 17th of October, 1776. Accord- 
ing to his own desire, he was buried in the cloister 
of Westminster Abbey, by Dr. Bell, chaplain to the 
Princess Amelia. In his will, which was dated Feb. 3, 
1774, he declared, " That he died a member of the catholic 
Church, but without approving of many of the opinions 
and superstitions which have been introduced into the 
Romish Church, and taught in their schools and semina- 
ries, and which they have insisted on as articles of faith, 
though to him they appeared to be not only not founded 
in truth, but also to be highly improbable.'" 

Such was the life, and such, so far as appeared to the 
public during his life, were the doctrinal views of Courayer: 
it is melancholy to be obliged to add, that it subsequently 
came to light, by means of two posthumous works, that 
towards the close, at least, of the long period of his earthly 

COVEL. 207 

existence, he had fallen into unsound views even on the 
fundamental doctrines of the Trinity and the Incarnation. 

As to the former, he acquiesced indeed in the language 
of the Church, of the Three Persons in one Substance, but 
attempting to explain this language otherwise than in the 
received waj-, he fell apparently into a kind of modified 
Sabellianism, or, to say the least, into a very near approxi- 
mation to such a view. As regards the doctrine of the 
Incarnation, he appears to have adopted a kind of Nesto- 
rian idea. It must be observed, how^ever, that he seems 
to have thought that he agreed in substance with the 
catholic and orthodox doctrine, and differed only from the 
*' common" or received way of expJaining it ; and that he 
defended the maintainers of orthodoxy from the charges 
made by the Socinians against them. 

On the doctrine, too, of original sin, his views were very 

With respect, too, to the Atonement, there is in both 
these treatises a silence v.iiich, particularly when taken in 
connection with the Pelagian views just mentioned, is by 
no means satisfactory. He defends, however, the doctrine 
of a commemorative Sacrifice in the Eucharist. 

When his posthumous works were published, Socinian- 
ism was prevalent in this country, and Socinians laid 
claim to Courayer, but from the above statement taken 
from the preface to the Oxford Edition of the Dissertation, 
and compared with the quotation from his will, the reader 
will perceive that whatever were Courayer's errors, to the 
soul-destroying heresy of the Socinians he was decidedly 
opposed. — Courayer's Dissertation, Oxford Edition. Allge- 
meine Encyclopadie. Courayer s Last Sentiments, uith Ac- 
count of Author prefixed. 


John Covel was born at Horningsheath, in Suffolk, in 
1638, and educated at Edmundsbury, from whence he 
removed, in 1654, to Christ's College, Cambridge, of 

208 COVEL. 

which he became fellow. In 1670 he went to Constan- 
tinople as chaplain to the embassy. This appointment 
occasioned the publication of the work by which his name 
is now known, Some Account of the Present Greek Church, 
though the publication was delayed till a short time before 
his death. In the preface he remarks "that many learned 
men all over Europe have been very inquisitive, especially 
in these last two centuries, about the constitutions and 
doctrines of the Eastern Churches, especially that of the 
Greeks ; and we have had several treatises and narratives 
printed upon that subject. At last arose that famous 
controversy between those two eminent Frenchmen, Mon- 
sieur Arnold, doctor of the Sorbonne, and Monsieur Claud, 
minister of Charenton, about the Real Presence in the 
Eucharist. The first positively asserting, that the Greeks 
and all other Christians in the east did own it in the 
very sense of the school term, transubstantiation, accord- 
ing to the council of Trent, and that it was handed 
down to them, by an uninterrupted tradition even from 
the Apostles themselves ; the second, as positively deny- 
ing it. 

" All Greeks who travelled or straggled this way amongst 
the Europeans were every where nicely catechised and 
examined about this point ; and I remember that about 
the year 1668, 1669, there was one 'ir^Epta? n^/xavo?, 
Jeremias Germanus here in England, at Oxford (well 
known to Dr. Woodroof) and elsewhere, who told every 
body that the Greeks believed no such thing, but that 
they owned the elements to remain after consecration, as 
our Church doth, still mere and true bread and wine. 

" In the year 1670 I was appointed and sent as chaplain 
to his excellency Sir Daniel Harvey, then Ambassador 
from King Charles the Second at the Ottoman Porte ; 
this caused the Reverend Dr. Gunning and Dr. Pearson 
(then our two public professors at Cambridge) Dr. San- 
croft, Dr. Womock, and several others to importune me 
strictly to enquire into this matter after I arrived at 


The work is very learned, and is on that account in- 
teresting, but it does not throw much Hght upon the then 
existing Greek Church, and might have been written for 
the most part bj one who had never been at Constanti- 
nople. He. complains of the extreme ignorance of the 
" Easterlings," as he calls them, though he says they were 
not more ignorant than the generality of Romish priests ; 
the Romanists understanding no Greek, and the Easter- 
lings no Latin. Of the doctrine of transubstantiation, be 
says that it was not introduced into the Greek Church till 
after the taking of Constantinople by the Turks, that is, 
till after the year 1453. In 1679, he took his degree of 
D.D., and was chosen Margaret preacher of divinity. The 
next year he was presented to the living of Littlebury, in 
Essex, and in 1687 was made chancellor of York, and the 
next year master of Christ College, Cambridge. He died 
in 17'2'2. — Covets Greek Church. Blog. Brit. 


Miles Coverdale was born in Yorkshire, in the year 
1488, and was educated in the convent of Augustines in 
Cambridge, of which order he became a monk. In his 
time, although our Church was corrupted by the errors of 
popery, there were some young men at the university, who 
had begun to suspect that a reformation was necessary, 
and of this number was Miles Coverdale. 

In 1514 he was ordained priest at Norwich, by John, 
Bishop of Chalcedon. But he appears to have resided 
still at Cambridge, where the new school of theology 
continued to gain strength. Between the reforming and 
the Romish prelates in our Church disputes now became 
frequent, and the peace of the university was disturbed by 
preachers coming up from the country to protest against 
the Reformation ; while the advocates of the old doctrines 
by these university preachers represented as new, took 


courage to defend themselves, till at last Dr. Barnes was 
apprehended, and the Heads of Houses caused a diligent 
search to be made for the prohibited books, — the books 
relating to the necessity of a reform in the Church, and 
especially the Bible. 

Coverdale now took a more decided part ; he laid aside 
the habit of a monk, and assuming that of a secular 
priest, he went about preaching at different places, till at 
last he thought it prudent to quit the country. In 1528 
he joined Tyndal in Germany, who, in 1526, had published 
the whole of the New Testament in English. It was printed 
at Antwerp, and from thence imported into England. 
There were several ancient translations in England, for it 
is a mistake to suppose that before the Reformation no 
translations were allowed. Long before Wickliff's trans- 
lation, some hundred years, as Thomas James conjectures, 
there was a translation of the whole Bible in English, of 
which there are three copies at Oxford. And John 
Thursby, Archbishop of York, who died in 1373, publicly 
condemned the prelates and clergy who then began to 
withhold the Scriptures from the people. There was a 
translation of the Old and New Testament, by John 
Trevisa, vicar of Berkley, in Cornwall, which was pub- 
lished, according to Archbishop Usher, in 1360, and 
according to Mr. Wharton, in 1387. In 1347 Richard 
Fitzralph, commonly called Armachanus, as being Arch- 
bishop of Armagh, translated the Bible into Irish. These 
facts are worthy of note, for they seem to contradict the 
popular notion, that by our Church before the Reforma- 
tion, all versions of Scripture were prohibited. That about 
the time of our Reformation the ignorant but more popular 
party in the church had much fear of a translation of the 
Bible, and that the majority of the bishops sided with the 
popular preachers upon this point, is most true. They 
were afraid lest the traditions by which they made the 
word of God of none effect, should be by fresh light ex- 
p'v)sed, not only to others, but to themselves. But the law 


as it existed, while it acknowledged all the translations 
which had been made before the time of .Wickliff to be 
lawful, prohibited any fresh translation without authority. 
Tyndal therefore could not print his New Testament in 

Coverdale met Tyndal at Hamburgh, and assisted him 
in the translation of part of the Old Testament, that is, of 
the whole of the Pentateuch. 

What became of Coverdale till the year 1535 is not 
known, but in that year he published his translation of 
the whole Bible. It was printed at Zurich. 

The reforming party in England had by this time pro- 
ceeded to very great excesses, especially in their calum- 
nies against the bishops. The bishops, as the controlling 
authorities, though influenced in the long run by a move- 
ment, are called upon by every motive to pause before 
they act. The bishops of our church at this time seem 
to have acted with wisdom and caution. They saw that 
something must be done to meet the general demand for 
a version of Scripture, and Archbishop Wacham in letters 
testimonial, declared it to be the intention of the King to 
have the New Testament translated under the direction of 
the bishops. He met the popular cry at the same time of 
the clergy, and prohibited the various tracts of the new 
school, which they pronounced to be heretical. 

The progress of the new opinions may be traced in the 
fact, that it was decreed by the convocation of the pro- 
vince of Canterbury, in 1533, that the Holy Scriptures 
should be translated into the vulgar tongue ; a decree 
which was repeated in the convocation of 1534 ; at the 
same time all persons having books of suspected doctrine 
in the vulgar tongue were required to bring them in. 

It was under these circumstances that Coverdale w^as 
emboldened, in 1535, to publish his translation of the 
Bible in small folio. It is disgraced by a dedication tilled 
with the most disgusting flattery of the royal sensualist, 
King Henry the Eighth, and by a violent attack upon 
the Romish party in the church, which could only have 


made the minds of the more bigoted Romanists revolt 
against the new doctrines of which such was the fruit. 
One is surprised that a man, fresh from the translation 
of the Bible, should have evinced in his flattery and in 
his anathema such a spirit. 

It is a matter of dispute whether this Bible was cir- 
culated with the King's sanction. It is supposed that for 
a time the object of Coverdale's flattery approved of it, but 
that when Ann BuUeyn fell into disgrace, and the royal 
reformer had transferred his affections to another, all her 
adherents, and all that she supported, became no longer 
tolerable to the King. 

In 1537 was published what is called Matthew's Bible, 
though this was a fictitious name. It was set forth by 
" the King's most gracious leave;" and was taken, as far 
as it would go, as Mr. I^ewis says, from Tyndal's transla- 
tion and Coverdale's. 

The prologue and prefatory pieces attached to this 
Bible gave offence ; and we find Coverdale superintend- 
ing a new edition undertaken by Grafton at Paris. 

The presses being seized by the Inquisition, this 
edition was finished and published in London, in April, 
1539. It is often called Cranmer's Bible, because some 
copies have Cranmer's prologue in them ; but it seems 
doubtful whether, in such cases, the prologue is not that 
of the real Cranmer's Bible of 1540, bound up in the 
edition of 1539. 

On the accession of Edward VI., Coverdale, who seems 
never to have been ambitious of martyrdom, and who had 
lived in Germany, returned to England, when he was 
made almoner to the Queen Dowager. In 1548 he 
preached at St. Paul's Cross, when an anabaptist did 
penance. He sat on the commission in 1551, under 
which Van Paris was burnt for Arianism : and in the 
same year he was appointed coadjutor to Veysey, Bishop 
of Exeter, or in fact superseded him ; Veysey, who had so 
far entered into the spirit of the courtly reformers, as to 
have squandered the temporalities of his see, while he did 


not embrace the purer doctrines of the more religious 
reformers, was induced, for fear of exposure probably, to 
resign. As bishop, Coverdale seems to have conducted 
himself with great propriety of conduct, to have preached 
often, and to have neglected none of the duties of his 

When Queen Mary came to the throne he was deprived 
of his bishopric, because he was a married man, and un- 
willing to part from his wife. As a monk he must have 
taken the vow of celibacy, and therefore his marriage was 
a scandal. In the new reign the Romish party in our 
church regained the ascendency, and the marriage of 
the clergy was, in their opinion, under any circumstances 
censurable, though the New Testament is so very clear 
in asserting that estate to be honourable among them, as 
well as among other men. Whether Coverdale was placed 
under constraint does not appear, but he certainly signed 
the protestation of certain imprisoned divines. By the 
interference of the King of Denmark, he was permitted to 
retire to that country. After staying some time in Den- 
mark he proceeded to Wezel, where he officiated to the 
English refugees. The interest of the King of Denmark 
was exerted in his favour through his chaplain. Dr. John 
Machaboeus. Machaboeus and Coverdale had married 
sisters. From Wezel he went to Bergzabern, a benefice 
conferred upon him by Wcelfgang, Duke of Deux Fonts. 
Thence he went to Geneva, when the Geneva Bible was 
in the course of printing. 

On the death of Mary he returned to England, entirely 
won over to the ultra-pro testant views of the Genevan 
reformers, a complete calvinist. But he appears to have 
been a man of gentle spirit notwithstanding the violence 
of temper he displayed in the dedication of his Bible, 
and perhaps was easily influenced to a certain point by 
those with whom he associated. We thus find him 
officiating at the consecration of Dr. Parker, who was the 
successor of cardinal Pole in the see of Canterbury, but 
refusing to wear the episcopal dress. 


The ceremonial on this occasion was of a grand descrip- 
tion, and is thus described by Strype : " First of all, the 
chapel on the east part was adorned with tapestry, and 
the floor was spread with red cloth, and the table used for 
the celebration of the holy Sacrament, being adorned 
with a carpet and cushion, was placed at the east. More- 
over, four chairs were set to the south of the east part of 
the chapel for the bishops, to whom the office of conse- 
crating the Archbishop was committed. There was also 
a bench placed before the chairs, spread with a carpet and 
cushions, on which the bishops kneeled. And in like 
manner a chair, and a bench furnished with a carpet and 
a cushion, was set for the Archbishop on the north side of 
the east part of the same chapel. 

" These things being thus in their order prepared, 
about five or six in the morning, the Archbishop entereth 
the chapel by the west door, having on a long scarlet 
gown and a hood, with four torches carried before him, 
and accompanied with four bishops, who were to conse- 
crate him ; to wit, William Barlow, John Scory, Miles 
Coverdale, and John Hodgkin, suffragan of Bedford. 
After each of them in their order had taken their seats 
prepared for them, morning prayer was said with a loud 
voice by Andrew Pierson, the Archbishop's chaplain. 
Which being finished, Scory went up into the pulpit, and 
taking for his text. The elders which- are among you I 
beseech, being also a fellow elder, dc, made an elegant 
sermoD, admonishing the pastor of his office, care, and 
faithfulness towards his flock ; and the flock, of the love, 
duty, and reverence they owed to their pastor. 

" Sermon being done, the Archbishop, together with the 
other four bishops, go out of the chapel to prepare them- 
selves for the holy communion : and, without any stay, 
they come in again at the north door thus clad : the 
Archbishop had on a linen surplice, the elect of Chi- 
chester used a silk cope, being to administer the Sacra- 
ment. On whom attended and yielded their service the 
Archbishop's two chaplains, Nicolas Bullingham and 


Edmund Gest, the one Archdeacon of Lincoln, and the 
other of Canterbury, having on hkewise silk copes. The 
elect of Hereford and the suffragan of Bedford wore 
linen surplices : but Miles Coverdale had nothing but a 
long clotli gown. Being in this manner appareled and 
prepared, they proceed to celebrate the communion, the 
Archbishop beiug on his bended knees at the lowest step 
of the chapel. The Gospel being ended, the elect of 
Hereford, the suffragan of Bedford, and Miles Coverdale, 
brought the Archbishop before the elect of Chichester, 
sitting in a chair at the table, with these words ; Eeverend 
Father in God, we ojfer and present to you this godly and 
learned man to he consecrated Archbishop. This being 
spoken, forthwith was produced the royal instrument or 
mandate for the Archbishop's consecration : which being 
read through by Thomas Yale, doctor of laws, the oath 
of the Queen's primacy, or of defending her supreme 
authority, set forth and promulgated according to the 
statute in the first year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, 
was required of the said Archbishop.^ Which when he 
solemnly had performed verbis concejjtis, the elect of 
Chichester having exhorted the people to prayer, betook 
himself to sing the litany, the choir answering. Which 
being ended, after some questions propounded to the 
Archbishop by the elect of Chichester, and the makiog 
some prayers and suffrages to God, according to the form 
of the book put forth by authority of Parliament, the 
elects of Chichester and Hereford, the suffragan of Bed- 
ford, and Coverdale, laying their hand upon the Arch- 
bishop, said in English, 'Take the Holy Ghost; and 
remember that thou stir up the grace of God which is in 
thee by imposition of hands. For God hath not given us 
the spirit of fear, but of power, and love, and soberness.' 
These words being said, they delivered the holy Bible into 
his hands, using these words to him ; ' Give heed unto 
thy reading, exhortation, and doctrine. Think upon 
these things contained in this book; be diligent in them, 
that the increase coming thereby may be manifest unto all 


men. Take heed unto thyself, and unto thy teaching, 
and be dihgent in doing them. For in doing this, thou 
Bhalt save thyself, and them that hear thee, through Jesus 
Christ our Lord.' After they had said these things, the 
elect of Chichester (delivering no pastoral staff to the 
Archbishop) proceeded to the other solemnities of the 
communion ; with whom the Archbishop, and the other 
bishops before named, did communicate, together with 
some others : when the Archbishop desired the prayers 
of them all, that the office now laid upon him by the 
hands of the presbytery might above all tend to the glory 
of God, and salvation of the Christian flock, and the joyful 
testimony of his own conscience from his office faithfully 
performed, when it should happen that he should go to 
the Lord, to whom he had devoted himself. 

" These things being finished and performed, the Arch- 
bishop goeth out through the north door of the east part 
of the chapel, accompanied with those four that had con- 
secrated him: and presently, being attended with the 
same bishops, returned by the same door, wearing an 
episcopal white garment, and a chime re of black silk : 
and about his neck he had a rich tippet of sable. In like 
manner the elects of Chichester and Hereford had on 
their episcopal garments, surplice, and chimere : but 
Coverdale and the suffragan of Bedford wore only their 
long gowns. The Archbishop then going forward toward 
the west door, gave to Thomas Doyle, his steward, John 
Baker, his treasurer, and John March, his comptroller, 
to each of them white staves ; admitting them after this 
manner into their places and offices. These things there- 
fore thus performed in their order, as is already said, the 
Archbishop goeth out of the chapel by the west door, the 
gentlemen of his family of the better sort in blood going 
before him, and the rest following behind. All and sin- 
gular these things w^ere acted and done in the presence of 
the reverend fathers in Christ, Edmund Grindal, elect 
Bishop of London ; Richard Cocks, elect of Ely ; Edwin 
Sandes, elect of Wigorn ; Anthony Huse, Esq., principal 


and primary Register of the said Archbishop ; Thomas 
Argal, Esq., Register of the Prerogative of the court of 
Canterbury ; Thomas Willet and John Incent, Public 
Notaries, and some others." 

As Coverdale would not himself conform to the rules of 
the Church, he could not be restored to his bishopric. 
He could not be expected to enforce the orders which he 
neglected himself. The non-conformists were in general 
so intolerant and violent in their proceedings, that he 
would naturally be regarded with suspicion for a time, 
and he had no right to expect preferment in the church. 
Nevertheless the chief ecclesiastics regarded him with 
sympathy and affection. Archbishop Grindal, himself a 
puritan at heart, though he conformed, endeavoured to 
obtain for him a Welsh bishopric, probably because his 
irregularities would not be observed in that distant 
diocese ; and when he failed he presented him with the 
rectory of St. Magnus, London Bridge. His poverty was 
such as to induce the Queen to remit the payment of the 
first fruits, amounting to £60. Here he preached for 
about two years, but he resigned the living in 1566, pro- 
bably because a stricter conformity was at that time 
required than he was willing to concede. He died in 
February, 1569, at the age of eighty-one, and on the 19th 
of that month was buried in St. Bartholomew's church, 
behind the Exchange. 

The following is given by the Parker Society as the list 
of his works : — 

1. The Old Faith ; an evident probation that the 
Christian Faith hath endured since the beginning of the 
world. (Translation from H. Bullinger.) 1547. 

2. A Spiritual and most Precious Pearl. A translation 
from Otho Wermullerus. 1550. 

3. Treatise on Justification. From the same. 

4. The Book of Death. From the same. 

5. The Hope of the Faithful. From the same. 

6. Fruitful Lessons upon the Passion, Death, Resur- 



rection, and Ascension of our Saviour, and the giving of 
the Holy Ghost. 1540—47. 

7. Abridgment of Erasmus's Enchiridion. 

8. A Confutation of that Treatise which one John 
Standish made against the Protestation of Dr. Barnes in 
the year 1540. 

9. Christian State of Matrimony. 

10. Faithful and true Prognostication on the years 

1 1 . Translation of Luther's Exposition of the Twenty- 
third Psalm. 1537. 

12. How and whither a Christian ought to flee the 
horrible plague of the Pestilence. Translated from Osian- 
der. 1537. 

13. Acts of the Disputation in the Council of the 
Empire holden at Ptavenspurg, set forth by Bucer and 
Melancthon. Translated by M. C. 

14. (1) The Christian Ptule and state of all the world. 

(2) A Christian Exhortation unto customable Swearers. 

(3) The Manner of saying Grace or giving Thanks to 

15. Defence of a certain poor Christian man, who else 
should have been condemned by the Pope's law. Trans- 
lated from the German. 

16. Ghostly Psalms and Spiritual Songs drawn out of 
the Holy Scripture. 

17. (1) Exposition of the Magnificat. (2) The Original 
and Spring of all Sects. 

18. (1) A Christian Catechism. (2) Cantus usuales 
Witeburgensium. (3) The Apology of the Germans against 
the Council of Mantua. 

19. A faithful and most godly Treatise concerning 
the most sacred Sacrament of the Body and Blood of 
our Lord Jesus Christ, translated from Calvin ; where- 
unto the order that the Church and Congregation of 
Christ in Denmark doth use at the receiving of Baptism, 
the Supper of the Lord, and Wedlock, is added. 


20. The Supplication that the Nobles and Commons 
of Osterick made unto King Ferdinand. Translated 
by M. C. 

21. The Testimony and Report, which Eccius gave and 
sent in to the Council of those Princes, which name them- 
selves Catholic. 15-12. 

x\uthorities, — Strijpe. Johnson on English Translations 
oj tlie Bible. Memorials of Coverdale, published by Bagster. 


William Courtney was the fourth son of Hugh 
Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, by Margaret, daughter of 
Humphrey Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, by his 
wife Elizabeth, daughter of Edward I. He was born in 
the year 1341, and was educated at Oxford, where he 
applied himself to the study of the civil and the canon 
law, at that time studied by the clergy, as we learn from 
Dante, more than the gospels. A man of talent, and of 
his high birth, was sure to be speedily preferred, and in 
that age, when the reformation of the Church of Eng- 
land, indeed of the universal church, was so much needed, 
we are not surprised at finding him possessing prebends 
at Bath, and at Exeter, and at York. In 1369, during 
the reign of Edward III., he was consecrated to the see of 
Hereford, and from thence, in his 34th year, was trans- 
lated to the see of London. In 1376 the Bishop of Lon- 
don opposed the grant of a subsidy to the King on the 
ground of his having received some injuries from the great 
William of Wykeham, for which he desired to have 
redress before the subsidy was made. The King could 
only obtain a subsidy by holding out hopes, never realiz- 
ed, of acceding to the Bishop of London's proposal. He 
was a decided papist, and as such took low views of the 
episcopate. In his zeal for the papacy he violated the 
laws of the land by publishing a bull of Pope Gregory II. 
without the King's consent. 


His conduct appears to have been very bad ; the affair 
was this : Pope Gregory II. had lately excommunicated 
the Florentines, and had dispatched his bulls every 
where, ordering their effects to be seized. The Bishop 
of London, without consulting the King, published the 
pope's bull at Paul's Cross, and gave the populace license 
to plunder the houses of such Florentines as were in the 
city. The lord-mayor hereupon, restraining the violence 
of the people, placed a seal on the doors of the Floren- 
tines, and conducted them to the King, who took them 
into his protection. Afterwards, by order of the King, 
the Bishop of Exeter, lord high chancellor, summoned 
the Bishop of London into the Court of Chancery, to 
answer for having dared to publish the pope's bull, with- 
out consent of the King and council, and contrary to the 
laws of the land. Courtney pleaded the pope's authority 
and command. But the chancellor gave sentence, that 
he should either forfeit his temporalities, or revoke his 
words with his own mouth. With some difficulty the 
Bishop of London obtained that he might re-call them by 
one of his officers ; and accordingly an official mounted 
Paul's Cross, and addressed the people in these words : 
My lord said nothing about the interdict ; it is strange 
that you should misunderstand, who hear so many 
sermons from this place. 

Such was our Church in the middle ages, and as such 
the moral sense of mankind demanded its reformation. 
A reforming party appeared at Oxford, under the leading 
of the celebrated Dr. Wicklitf. Although Romanism 
formed no part of the religion of the Church of England 
at that time, most of her divines were Romanists, and 
though contrary to law, the popes exercised great authority 
and influence in our church; just as at a later period, 
our divines became calvinistic, more or less, though Cal- 
vinism is no part of our church : the vehemence of the 
great body of the clergy against Wickliff was great. 

Wickliff was cited to appear before the Bishop of 
London's tribunal, in St Paul's Church, in 1377. He 


attended, accompanied by John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancas- 
ter, and by the Lord Marshal Percy, who told him to 
keep up his spirits, for the bishops were but ignoramuses 
compared to him ; the Duke and Lord Marshal being of 
course fit judges on such a point. The crowd around the 
court was great, anxious to obtain a view of the Oxford 
heretic. Even the proud Percy could with difficulty 
obtain an entrance. The Bishop of London was justly 
annoyed at the disturbance occasioned by the sudden 
appearance of these nobles, and at seeing Dr. WicklifF so 
attended. Upon this a dispute happened between his lord- 
ship and these two peers. Lord Percy, said the bishop, if 
I had known before hand what masteries you would have 
kept, I would have stopt you from coming hither : upon 
which the Duke of Lancaster, John of Gaunt, replied, he 
shall keep such masteries, though you say nay. Soon 
after Lord Percy rudely and impertinently addressed 
AVickliff desiring him to sit down, saying, you have many 
things to answer for, and therefore need a soft seat ; — the 
bishop upon this very justly remarked, that it was not 
reasonable that a person cited before his ordinary should 
sit down during his answers, when the Duke of Lancaster 
insolently said in open court, " The Lord Percy's motion 
for Wickliff is but reasonable. And as for you, my lord 
bishop, who are grown so proud and arrogant, 1 will bring 
down the pride not of you only, but of all the prelacy of 
England. Thou bearest thyself so; brag upon thy parents 
which shall not be able to protect thee ; they shall have 
enough to do to help themselves." The bishop with great 
dignity and composure replied : "My confidence is not in 
my parents, nor in any other man, but in God only 
in whom I trust, by whose assistance I will be bold to 
speak the truth." The insolent duke was abashed, but 
enraged, he said, not openly in court, but so as to be 
heard by those around him, " Piather than take these 
words at a bishop's hands, I'll pluck him by the hair of 
his head out of the church." Though the words were 

2^2-2 COURTNEY. 

uttered so as not to be heard by the bishop, they did not 
escape some of the Londoners who were near him, who 
declared aloud, that leather than see their bishop thus 
insulted they would die. Amid this scandalous inter- 
ference with an episcopal court little business was done. 
Wickliff was silenced, and for a time it appears that, 
grateful for the mild measures adopted towards him, lie 
gave no fui'ther annoyance. 

Meantime the Duke and the Lord Marshal Percy, 
enraged against the Londoners, went to the house of par- 
liament, and brought in a bill to put down the office of 
lord-mayor, and to place the city under military control. 
The Londoners, enraged, assaulted and plundered the 
houses of the Duke and Lord Percy, and would have pro- 
ceeded to extremities against them had it not been for the 
generous interference of the bishop. We are told that the 
Bishop of London, hearing of the tumult, left his dinner, 
and going hastily to the Savoy, desired the people to 
desist, and to consider that it was the holy time of Lent, 
assuring them that care should be taken of the rights and 
privileges of the city. He succeeded ; the Duke's palace 
was spared, and the mob was contented with hanging 
up the Duke's arms reversed in the principal streets of 
the city. 

Godwin tells us that, in 1378, Courtney was made a 
cardinal; but he speaks without authority. He certainly 
was chancellor in the year 1381, and was in the same year 
translated to the see of Canterbury, vacant by the murder 
of Dr. Sudbury. He was elected by the chapter of Can- 
terbury, and by a curious coincidence Pope Urban had 
fixed upon the same person. But before the arrival of 
the pope's bull, he had done homage for the temporalities, 
he had repaired to Lambeth, where one of their chapter 
was sent to him by the prior and convent of Canterbury 
with the archiepiscopal cross or crosier. As bishop he 
had a right to the pastoral staff, — the crosier being pecu- 
liar to an archbishop. The monk addressed the arch- 


bishop seated in his chapel thus : " Reverend Father, I 
am the messenger of the supreme King, who entreats, 
commands, and enjoins that you take upon you the 
government of his church, and that you love and pro- 
tect it, in token of which message, I deliver into your 
hand the banner of the supreme King." It would seem 
that the prior and convent were anxious to exercise their 
right of election without reference to the see of Rome ; 
but Courtney was unwilling to act thus independently, so 
completely was he under the Rouiish influence. Not 
having received the pall, he was doubtful whether the 
cross should be carried bef re him, that is, whether he 
might assume the archiepiscopal dignity, and in that 
capacity crown the young Queen, who had lately arrived 
in England, as consort of King Richard II. The monks 
of Canterbury could easily prove that this deference to a 
foreign bishop had not been always paid by his predeces- 
sors ; but before the archbishop would act he published a 
protest that he did not do so in any contempt of the court 
of Rome. We are naturally sorry to find one of the arch- 
bishops of the Church of England, thus forgetful of the 
independent authority of every member of the episcopate ; 
but perhaps at the present time persons in a situation 
similar to that of Courtney, would bow down before a worse 
authority, that is, the authority of };arliament. 

He received the pall on the 0th of May, 1382; and in 
this year held a synod in London, assisted by seven 
bishops and several doctors and bachelors in theology, and 
in canon and civil law. Ten propositions of Wickliff were 
ileclared heretical ; viz : First, that in the sacrament of 
the altar, the substances of the bread and wine remain 
after consecration. Second, that the accidents cannot 
remain after the consecration without the substance. 
Third, that Jesus Christ is not actually and really in his 
proper corporeal presence in the Eucharist. Fourth, that 
no priest or bishop in mortal sin may ordain, or conse- 
crate, or baptize. Fifth, that outward confession is not 
necessary to those who duly repent. Sixth, that no pas- 

'2-24: COURTNEY, 

sage can be adduced from the gospels showing that our 
Lord instituted the mass. Seventh, that God must obey 
the devil. Eighth, that if the pope be an impostor, or a 
wicked man, and consequently a member of the devil, he 
hath no power over the faithful, except such as he may 
have received from the Emperor. Ninth, that after the 
death of the preseut pope, Urban VI., no pope ought to 
be recoginzecl, but people should live, like the Greeks, 
according to their own laws. Tenth, that it is contrary to 
Holy Scripture for ecclesiastical persons to hold temporal 

The council declared fourteen other propositions erro- 
neous, and the Archbishop obtained of the King authority 
to arrest and imprison all persons teaching and maintain- 
ing their opinions. The King's letter is dated July 12. 

The Archbishop issued his mandate in 1383 for the 
observance of the festival of St. Ann, the supposed mother 
of the Virgin Mary. Although, as we have seeo, he yielded 
his rights to the pope, he was careful in other respects to 
maiutain the authority of the clergy. In 1387 he sum- 
moned his suffragans and lower clergy to London, and at 
the opening of the convocation preached on the following 
text, Supra muros Jerusalem constitui custodes. A sub- 
sidy was granted to the King, or rather to the government 
which had been consigned by the King to eleven commis- 
sioners, the Archbishop of Canterbury being one. And 
perceiving that several noblemen would be tried for their 
lives, and that causes of blood would be brought into the 
parliament, and that the canons barred those of his order 
from being present at them, the Archbishop entered his 
protest for the saving the privilege of the lords spiritual, 
and left the house. 

The purport of the protest is to set forth that the lords 
spiritual, by virtue of their baronies, and as peers of the 
realm, had a right to sit, debate, vote and give judgment 
with the rest of the peers, in all cases and matters trans- 
acted in parliament. But since impeachments of high 
treason, and trials fur life were coming on, tliey v/ere for- 


bidden by the canons of the church to concern themselves 
in matters of that nature ; making a protest that for this 
only reason, they were obliged to withdraw. And thus, 
having guarded the entireness of their peerage, they con- 
cluded with declaring, that nothing done in their absence 
upon this occasion should be hereafter questioned or 
opposed by any of their body. 

This instrument, at the instance and petition of the 
Archbishop and his suffragans, was read in full par- 
liament, and entered upon the parliament rolls by the 
King's command, with the assent of the temporal lords 
and commons. 

The Bishops of Durham and Carlisle, in the province of 
York, entered the same protest. 

In the year loOl he published his constitutions 
against CJwpjje- Chapels. The following is the certificatory 
of Dr. Braybrook, Bishop of London, in answer to the 
Archbishop, containing a copy of his mandate. 

To the most Reverend Father and Lord in Christ, the 
Lord William, by the grace of God Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, primate of A. E., legate of the apostolical see, Robert 
by divine permission Bishop of London, obedience and 
reverence, with the honour due to so great a father. We 
received your most reverend mandate according to the 
tenour underwritten. 

" William by divine permission Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, primate of A. E., legate of the apostolical see, to our 
venerable brother Robert, by the grace of God Bishop of 
London, health and brotherly charity in the Lord. We 
are bitterly grieved, when any of the flock under our trust 
provokes the Most High by his villanies, and strikes 
himself with a damuabk sentence, and rashly throws him- 
self into destruction. But humane laws and canonical 
statutes, do among other things abhor covetousness, which 
is idolatry, and damned simoniacal ambition. But (alas !) 
some men's minds now a days, are so darkened and 
smitten with outward things, as never to look inward to 
themselves, or to Him that is invisible, while they are 


puft up with temporal honours, still desiriDg more, slight- 
ing the ways of God. Some traffic for the gifts of the 
Holy Spirit, while they pay or make simoniacal contracts 
for churches and ecclesiastical benefices, forgetting the 
words of Peter to Simon, Thy money perish tvith thee, because, 
dc. Others of these tare-sowers, perverters of right, inven- 
tors of mischief, commonly called Choppe- Churches, defraud 
some by an unequal change of benefices through their 
wicked intriguing and execrable thirst of gain ; and 
sometimes wholly deprive others of the benefices they have 
through false colours ; insomuch, that being reduced from 
an opulent to a poor condition, and not being able to dig, 
they die of grief, or else are compelled to beg through 
extreme poverty, to the scandal of the Church and clergy. 
Others, though they who serve at the altar should live by 
the altar, &c., according to the Apostle, procure persons to 
be presented to churches with cure and ecclesiastical 
benefices, by importunity and money ; and to be instituted 
therein, after having first wickedly sworn, that so long as 
they have those benefices they will claim no profits from 
them, nor any way dispose of them, but leave them to 
their direction and profit, [who procured them] under pre- 
tence of an exchange, or purely at their request. By 
which means (whereas one church ought to belong to one 
priest, and no one ought to have several dignities or 
parish churches) one man, insufficient for one cure though 
a small one, sweeps to himself by a trick the profits of 
many benefices, which if equally distributed, would abun- 
dantly sufiice for many learned and very reputable men 
who very much want it ; divine worship and hospitality is 
neglected; the indevotion of the people toward the Church 
and them who belong to it is increased, and the cure of 
souls is not minded. Such carnal men despise spiritual 
precepts, and affect temporal riches in contempt of eternal 
rewards. But it were to be wished, that for their own 
amendment, they would be afraid of punishment, by con- 
sidering how the Redeemer of Mankind cast the chapmen 
out of the temple, saying. Make not my Father s house a 


house of merchandize. Our Lord never dealt so severely 
with any offenders, to demonstrate that other sinners 
ought to be reprehended, but these to be driven far from 
the church. Farther, some raptors rather than rectors of 
churches, shepherds, who know not and take no care of 
their flocks, provoke the divine indignation, neglecting 
hospitality without cause, shamefully spending their time 
at London, devouring Christ's patrimony, living daintily 
on the bread of the hungry, clothing themselves with the 
garments of the naked, and with the ransom of captives : 
they dare not say with the prophet, The Lord is the 
portion of my inheritance ; but rather, We desire not the 
knowledge of Thy ways. Whereas, therefore, the cure 
of souls is our chief concern, of which we are to give a 
strict account ; and resolving not any longer to connive at 
so great a scandal of the clergy of the Church of England, 
and so perilous and pernicious an example, at the impor- 
tunate request of many we give it in charge, and command 
you my brother in virtue of obedience, and do will and 
command that the rest of my suffragans and fellow-bishops 
of our province of Canterbury, be enjoined by you to take 
corporal oaths of all whatsoever, that are to be presented 
to ecclesiastical benefices, now or hereafter to be void 
within your dioceses, that they have not given or promised 
directly or indirectly, by themselves, or by any employed 
by them for the presentation, to the presenter or any other 
persons whatsoever ; and that neither they nor their friends 
are obliged by oath or any pecuniary security, to resign or 
make exchange of the benefices ; and that no unlawful 
compact hath been made in this respect, nor promise with 
their will or knowledge : and that in case of exchauge no 
proxies, though signed by notaries, be allowed, without 
the presence of the principals, and a provident examination 
of the equality as to the value of the benefices, and an 
oath given by each party that no fraud private or public is 
used in the exchange : and that the noo-residents in your 
dioceses be effectually called home to do their duty; and 
the simoniacal possessors, or rather usurpers of churches 


be severely censured ; and that the accursed partakers 
with Gehazi and Simon, the Chop2Je- Churches, who chiefly 
are at London, be in general admonished to desist from 
such procurings, changings and trickings made in their 
conventicles and simoniacal assemblies for the future : 
and let them cassate and cancel all contracts and bargains 
fraudulently made, though confirmed with oaths, which in 
this case are null ; and let all such frauds and simoniacal 
contracts, which are not in their power to break, be dis- 
covered to the bishop of the dioceses in which such bene- 
fices as are concerned in the transaction do lie, that they 
by whose procurement or consent these contracts were 
made, may be enjoined penance according to their merits, 
under pain of the greater excommunication after fifteen 
days' notice, (five days being allowed after each of the three 
usual admonitions) which we pass upon them by this 
writing from this time foi'ward, as well as from that time 
forward. And do ye strictly enjoin and cause other 
bishops to be so enjoined, that these wicked merchants of 
the Lord's inheritance, and such as have several dignities, 
churches, and Chojipe- Churches, be struck with the sword 
of ecclesiastical censuie, especially such of them as are in 
orders, as being universally abhorred by all, lest by the 
neglect of you and other bishops this clamour be again 
repeated in our ears. And do ye cause us to be certified 
of what you have done in the premises before the feast of 
St. Michael the Archangel next ensuing, by your letters 
patents containing a copy of these presents. Dated in 
our Manor of Slyndon, on the fifth day of March, in 
the year of our Lord 1391, and of our translation the 

" By authority of which reverend mandate we have en- 
joined it by our letters, as the custom is, to be fully exe- 
cuted as to all and singular its contents, by all and singular 
your sufifragans of your province of Canterbury in their 
cities and dioceses, according to the full power, form, and 
effect of the said mandate, and have caused the said 
mandate, and all and singular the premises, so far as we 


are concerned to be put in due execution, and will cause 
it so to be done to the best of our power, God permitting. 
And thus we have duly executed your most reverend man- 
date, according to the demand and effect thereof in and 
through all particulars. Dated in our Manor of Hadham 
on the seventh day of September, in the year of our^I.oi'd 
above- written, and of our consecration the eleventh." 

In 1392, the Archbishop held a synod in St. Marys 
Church, Cambridge, in which a tenth was granted to the 
King under circumstances rather pecuhar, as related by 

" The laity, at the parliament now holden at London, 
had yielded to aid the King with a fifteenth, upon condi- 
tion that the clergy should succour him with a tenth and 
a half, against which unjust proportion William de Court- 
ney, Archbishop of Canterbury, most stiffly opposed, 
alleging, that the Church ought to be free, nor in anywise 
to be taxed by the laity, and that himself would rather die 
than endure that the Church of England (the liberties 
whereof had by so many free parliaments, in all times, 
and not only in the reign of this King, been confirmed) 
should be made a bond maid. This answer so offended 
the commons, that the knights of the shires, and some 
peers of the land, with extreme fury, besought, that tem- 
poralities might be taken away from ecclesiastical persons, 
saying, that it was an alms-deed, and an act of charity, so 
to do, thereby to humble them. Neither did they doubt, 
but that their petition, which they had exhibited to the 
King, would take effect. Hereupon they designed among 
themselves, out of which abbey, which should receive such 
a certain sum, and out of which, another I myself (saith 
a monk of St. Alban's) heard one of those knights confi- 
dently swear, that he would have a yearly pension of a 
thousand marks out of the temporalities belonging to that 
abbey. But the King, having heard both parts, com- 
manded the petitioners to silence, and the petition to be 
razed out, saying, he would maintain the English Church 

VOL. IV. z 


in the quality of the same state or better, in which himself 
had known it to be when he came to the crown. The 
Archbishop hereupon, having consulted with the clergy, 
came to the King, and declared, that he and the clergy 
had with one consent willingly provided to supply his 
majesty's occasions with a tenth. This grant the King 
took so contentedly, as he openly affirmed he was better 
pleased with this free contribution of one tenth for the 
present, than if he had gotten four by compulsion." 

This year he commenced his metropolitical visitation, 
but was opposed at first by the Bishops of Exeter and 
Salisbui7. The Bishop of Exeter issued his mandate, 
forbidding all persons in his diocese, under pain of excom- 
munication, to acknowledge the Archbishop's jurisdiction. 
Courtney issued a mandate in opposition thereto, requiring 
their submission to his authority. The Bishop appealed 
to the pope, and fixed up his appeal upon the gates of his 
cathedral. The Archbishop notwithstanding proceeded in 
his visitation, and cited the Bishop to appear before him, 
and answer to certain articles exhibited against him. The 
citation was despatched by one of the Archbishop's officers, 
named Peter Hill ; who being met by some of the Bishop 
of Exeter's servants in the town of Topsham, they, disco- 
vering his business, not only beat him most unmercifully, 
but obliged the poor fellow to chew, and swallow the 
instrument, which was of parchment, wax and all. The 
King, being informed of this violence, sent an order to the 
Earl of Devonshire, and others, to apprehend the bishop's 
servants, and bring them before the Archbishop. Which 
being done, Courtney enjoined them the following penance. 
They were to walk in procession before the cross, in their 
shirts only, and carrying lighted tapers in their hands ; 
to pay a certain stipend to a priest for saying daily mass 
at the tomb of the Earl of Devonshire ; and lastly to pay 
twenty shillings each towards repairing the walls of the 
city of Exeter. The Bishop in the meantime prosecuted 
his appeal in the court of Rome ; but finding the Arch- 


bishop's credit prevail there, and that the King likewise 
espoused his cause, he thought it the most prudent course 
to withdraw his appeal, and to acknowledge both his own 
offence and the Archbishop s jurisdiction. The Bishop of 
Salisbury, when it came to his turn to be visited, made 
no less resistance, but proceeded, as he thought, with more 
prudence and caution than the Bishop of Exeter had 
done. For being of opinion, that the Archbishop's visito- 
rial power was founded solely upon the authority of Pope 
Urban, who was now dead, he found means to procure 
from Pope Boniface, his successor, an exemption of himself 
and his diocese from metropolitical visitation in virtue of 
Pope Urbans authority. With this privilege he waited on 
the Archbishop at Croydon, but met with an unexpected 
reception from that prelate, who declared he would visit 
the diocese of Salisbury, notwithstanding any papal ex- 
emption, and commanded the bishop to be ready to receive 
him on a certain day in his cathedral church. The bishop, 
depending on his privilege, took no notice of this order ; 
and, the Archbishop beginning his visitation, appealed to 
the Pope. The Archbishop immediately excommunicated 
him, and commenced a prosecution at law against him, 
for endeavouring to withdraw himself from the subjection 
he owed to the see of Canterbury. The Bishop of Salis- 
bury, terrified by this severity, and the recent example of 
his brother of Exeter, renounced his appeal, acknowledged 
the Archbishop's jurisdiction, and, through the interces- 
sion of the Earl of Salisbury and others, obtained absolu- 
tion and reconciliation. 

In this year the King directed his royal mandate to the 
Archbishop, not to countenance or contribute any thing 
towards a subsidy for the Pope. The writ sets forth, 
" That the Archbishop could not be ignorant, that the 
King was bound by oath to maintain the rights and cus- 
toms of the kingdom, to govern impartially by the laws, to 
secure the property of the subject, and to prevent imposi- 
tions being charged or levied upon the people without the 
common consent of the kingdom," The King suggests 


farther, " That the commons, lately assembled in parlia- 
ment at Westminster, had addressed him for a remedy 
against the impositions upon the clergy, at that time 
exhausted by the court of Rome ; and had petitioned him, 
that if any person should bring in any papal bulls for 
levying such impositions, or should actually collect or levy 
such impositions, he should be adjudged, and suffer as a 
traitor to him and his kingdom." His highness adds, 
*' That he had granted, with the consent of the same 
parliament, that nothing should be levied or paid, that 
might tend to the burthen or damage of the subject and 
kingdom ; that notwithstanding this legal provision, he 
was informed of a new papal imposition upon the clergy, 
which by his (the Archbishop s) authority, or that of his 
suffragans by his order, >vas to be levied without the 
common advice and assent of the kingdom ; which he 
(the King) could not suffer consistently with his oath.'* 
And therefore in the close he commands the Archbishop, 
" upon his allegiance, and under the highest forfeitures, 
to revoke his orders for the levying this tax, and to return 
what had been already paid," enjoining him " not to pay, 
or contribute any thing to this subsidy, under the penalties 
aforesaid." Witness the King at Westminster, the 10th 
day of October. Writs of the same purport and date were 
directed to the Archbishop of York, to all the bishops of 
both provinces, to the guai*dians of the spiritualities, and 
to the several collectors of this tax. A like writ was di- 
rected to the Pope's nuncio, commanding him to desist 
from exacting this subsidy, sub forisfactura vitse et mem- 
brorum, under forfeiture of life and limb. This imposition 
was the payment of a tenth laid upon the clergy by the 
Pope, as appears by the title of the record, Becimis Papae 
non solvendis. 

On the ocfave of Hilary a parliament was held at Win- 
chester ; and here, the Archbishop of Canterbury being 
probably suspected of abetting the pope's encroachments 
upon the Church and State, delivered in his answer to 
certain articles in the tenor following : — 


" To our dread sovereign Lord the King in this present 
parliament, his humble chaplain William, Archbishop of 
Canterbury, gives in his answer to the petition brought 
into the parliament by the commons of the realm, in 
which petition are contained certain articles. 

" That is to say, first. Whereas our sovereign Lord 
the King, and all his liege subjects ought of right, and 
had been always accustomed to sue in the King's court, to 
recover their presentations to churches, to maintain their 
titles to prebendaries and other benefices of holy Church, 
to which they have a right to present. The cognizance of 
which plea belongs solely to the court of our sovereign 
lord the King, by virtue of his ancient prerogative, main- 
tained and practised in the reigns of all his predecessors 
Kings of England. And when judgment is given in his 
highnesses said court upon any such plea, the archbishops, 
bishops, and other spiritual persons, who have the right of 
giving institution to such benefices within their jurisdic- 
diction, are bound to execute such judgments, and used 
always to make execution of them at the King's command, 
(since no lay person can make any such execution) and are 
also bound to make execution of many other commands of 
our lord the King : of which right, the crown of England 
has been all along peaceably possessed ; but now of late, 
divers processes have been made by the holy father the 
pope, and excommunications published against several 
English bishops for making such executions, and acting 
in pursuance to the King's commands in the cases above 
mentioned, and that such censures of his holiness are 
inflicted in open disherison of the crown and subversive of 
the prerogative royal, of the King's laws, and his whole 
realm, unless prevented by proper remedies." 

To this article, the Archbishop premising his protesta- 
tion, " that it was none of his intention to affirm our holy 
father the pope has no authority to excommunicate a 
bishop, pursuant to the laws of holy Church, declares, and 
answers, that if any executions of processes are made, or 


shall be made by any person : if any censures of excom- 
munication shall be published, and served upon any 
English bishops, or any other of the King s subjects, for 
their having made execution of any such commands, he 
maintains such censures to be prejudicial to the King's 
prerogative, as it is set forth in the commons' petition : 
and that so far forth he is resolved to stand with our lord 
the King, and support his crown in the matters above 
menti(med, to his power, 

" And likewise whereas it is said in the petition, that 
complaint has been made, that the said holy father the 
pope had designed to translate some English prelates to 
sees out of the realm, and some from one bishopric to 
another, without the knowledge and consent of our lord 
the King, and without the assent of the prelates so trans- 
lated, (which prelates are very serviceable and necessary 
to our lord the King, and his whole realm) which transla- 
tions, if they should be suffered, the statutes of the realm 
would be defeated, and made in a great measure insignifi- 
cant, and the said lieges of his highnesses council would 
be removed out of his kingdom, without their assent, and 
against their inclination, and the ti'easure of the said 
realm would be exported : by which means, the country 
would become destitute both of wealth and council, to the 
utter destruction of the said realm : and thus, the crown 
of England, which has always been so free and indepen- 
dent, as not to have any earthly sovereign, but to be 
immediately subject to God in all things touching the pre- 
rogatives and royalty of the said crown, should be made 
subject to the pope, and the laws and statutes of the 
realm defeated and set aside by him at pleasure, to the 
utter destruction of the sovereignty of our lord the King, 
his crown and royalty, and his whole kingdon, which God 

" The said Archbishop, first protesting that it is not his 
intention to affirm, that our holy father aforesaid cannot 
make translations of prelates according to the laws of holy 


Church, answers and declares that if any English prelates, 
who by their capacity and qualification, were very service- 
able and necessary to our lord the King, and his realm, if 
any such prelates were translated to any sees in foreign 
dominions, or the sage lieges of his council were forced out 
of the kingdom agaiust their will, and that by this means, 
the wealth and treasure of the kingdom should be exported; 
in this case, the Archbishop declares that such transla- 
tions would be prejudicial to the King and his crown : for 
w^hich reason, if any thing of this should happen, he 
resolves to adhere loyally to the King, and endeavour as 
he is bound by his allegiance, to support his highness in 
this, and all other instances, in which the rights of his 
crown are concerned. And lastly, he prayed the King 
this schedule might be made a record, and entered upon 
the parliament roll, which the King granted." 

From this declaration of the Archbishop, it is evident 
he was no vassal to the court of Rome : he did not assert 
the pope's supremacy so far as to weaken his allegiance, 
or to make him an ill subject. 

We may observe farther, that this schedule of the Arch- 
bishop seems to have led the way to the statute of prae- 
munire passed in this parliament. For the preamble and 
introductive part of the act is but a copy as it were of this 
declaration. The bill, it is true, was brought in by the 
commons by way of petition, who prayed the King to 
examine the opinions of the lords spiritual and temporal 
upon the contents. The question being put, the lords 
temporal promise to stand by the King, against the pope's 
encroachments ; neither were the engagements of the 
lords spiritual less loyal and satisfactory : For they con- 
curred in all points with the commons' petitions, and 
renounced the pope in all his attempts upon the crown. 

After this preambulatory remonstrance, together with 
the engagement of the three estates to stand by the crown 
in the cases above mentioned, the enacting part of the 
statute follows, viz. 


" Whereupon our said lord the King by the assent 
aforesaid, and at the request of his said commons, hath* 
ordained, and established, that if any purchase, or pursue, 
or cause to be purchased or pursued, in the court of 
Rome or elsewhere, any such translations, processes and 
sentences of excommunications, bulls, instruments, or any 
other things whatsoever, which touch the Kiug, against 
him, his crown and his royalty, or his realm, as is afore- 
said, and they which bring within the realm, or them 
receive, or make thereof notification, or any other execu- 
tion whatsoever within the same realm, or without, that 
they, their notaries, procurators, maintainors, abettors, 
fautors, and counsellors, shall be put out of the King's 
protection, and their lands, and tenements, goods and 
chattels, forfeit to our lord the King : and that they be 
attached by their bodies, if they may be found, and 
brought before the King and his council, there to answer 
to the cases aforesaid, or that process be made against 
them by praemunire facias in manner as it is ordained in 
other statutes of provisors : and other which do sue in any 
other court in derogation of the royalty of our lord the 

In 1395 he visited the diocese of Lincoln, where he 
gave a considerable check to the growth of the Oxford 
heresy. He obtained most unjustly from the pope, who 
had no right to grant it, a grant of four-pence in the 
pound to defray the expenses of his visitation, on all 
ecclesiastical benefices : he was opposed by the Bishop of 
Lincoln, who most unwisely appealed to the pope. Thus 
was it, that by disputes between our own bishops, the 
Church of England was betrayed into the hands of a 
foreign prince and prelate. In the midst of this unhappy 
controversy. Archbishop Courtney died. His death occur- 
red on the 31st of July, 1396. 

He founded a college of secular priests at Maidstone, 
and left a thousand marks for the repairs of Canterbury 
cathedral. — Godwin. Collier. Parker. Johnsons Eccles. 
Laws. Wilkin s Cone. Wharton. 

cox. m 


William Cowpek, prelate, was born at Edinburgh, in 
1566. From the school of Dunbar he was removed to 
St. Andrew's; after which, in 158-2, he visited England, 
and was assisted, for nearly two years, in his theological 
studies by the famous Hugh Broughton. On entering 
into orders he became minister of Bothkenner, in the 
county of Stirling, and next* at Perth, where his conduct 
was so exemplary that James VI. appointed him Bishop 
of Galloway, and dean of the Chapel Royal. He died in 
1619, and in 1629 his works were published in London, 
in one volume, folio. 

cox, EICHARD. 

Richard Cox was born at Whaddon, in Buckingham- 
shire, in 1499, and was educated at Eton and at Kings 
College, Cambridge. In 1525 he was appointed by 
Wolsey a junior canon of Cardinal College, Oxford. He 
was accounted one of the first scholars of his age. He 
was attached to the small party of pious and learned men 
who were at this time anxious to promote a reformation 
in our Church, but in that Church at this time the 
Romanists formed the dominant party, and young Cox 
becoming obnoxious to the heads of houses in the univer- 
sity, was deprived of his preferment and cast into prison 
on a suspicion of heresy. When at length he was released 
from prison, he became master of Eton College. He 
rapidly obtained other preferments, and when it was 
proposed to -convert the collegiate church of Southwell into 
a bishopric, Cox was designed for that see. But though 
the King promised to expend a portion of the money taken 
from the monasteries in founding this and other sees, the 
money was not forthcoming, and the King and his courtiers 
spent the revenues of the Church on their selfish luxuries. 
The sees projected were Dunstable, Colchester, Shrewrf- 

VOL. IV. 2 A 

238 COX. 

bury, Bodmin, and Southwell. But Cox was not neglected, 
for he became dean of Christ Church, and was soon after 
appointed, through the interest of Archbishop Cranmer, 
tutor to Priuce Edward. On that prince's accession to 
the throne, he became a great favourite at court, and was 
made a privy-counsellor, and the King's almoner. The 
21st of May, 1547, he was elected chancellor of the univer- 
sity of Oxford ; installed July 16, 1541, canon of Windsor; 
and, the next year, made dean of Westminster. About 
the same time he was appointed one of the commissioners 
to visit the university of Oxford, in which he is accused of 
having much abused his commission. In 1550, he was 
ordered to go down into Sussex, and endeavour, by his 
learned and atfecting sermons, to quiet the minds of the 
people, who had been disturbed by the factious preaching 
of Day, Bishop of Chichester, a violent papist. And when 
the noble design of reforming the canon law was in agita- 
tion, he was appointed one of the commissioners. Both 
in this and the former reign, when an act passed for giving 
all chantries, colleges, &c., to the King, through Dr. Cox's 
powerful intercession, the colleges in both universities 
were excepted out of that act. 

When the Romish party came into power under Queen 
Mary, Cox was committed to prison, but being soon after 
released, he left the country and proceeded to Strasburg. 
Here he learned with grief that the exiles at Frankfort 
had laid aside the liturgy of the Church of England, and 
adopted one on the Geneva model. It was concluded among 
them, that the answering aloud after the minister should 
not be used ; the litany, surplice, and many other things 
also omitted, because in the reformed Churches abroad 
such things would seem more than strange. It was far- 
ther agreed upon, "that the minister, in the room of the 
English confession, should use another, both of more 
effect, and also framed according to the state and time ; 
and the same ended, the people to sing a psalm in metre 
in a plain tune, as was and is accustomed in the French, 

cox. 239 

Dutch, Italian, Spanish, and Scottish Churches : that 
done, the minister to pray for the assistance of God's 
Holy Spirit, and so to proceed to the sermon. After the 
sermon, a general prayer for all estates, and for England, 
was also devised: at the end of which prayer was joined 
the Lord's Prayer, and a rehearsal of the articles of the 
belief ; which ended, the people to sing another psalm as 
before. Then the minister pronouncing this blessing, 
The peace of God, &c., or some other of like effect, the 
people to depart. And as touching the ministration of 
the Sacraments, sundry things were also by common con- 
sent omitted, as superstitious and superfluous." They had 
indeed submitted the liturgy of the Church to the celebrated 
John Calvin, who presumptuously spoke of our book of 
Common Prayer as retaining much of the dregs of popery, 
and containing some tolerable fooleries, not considering 
that no foolery is tolerable in the worship of Almighty 

Dr. Cox, with several other learned men, came to P' rank- 
fort in March 1555, to settle the differences existing there 
among the members of the English Church, who were 
pushing their reforming principles to a vicious extreme. 
They were determined to restore the English service. 
Their first attempt was to introduce the repetition of the 
responses, and undaunted by the opposition of these fa- 
thers of puritanism, Dr. Cox directeclone of the clergy who 
attended him to say the litany, while he and those who 
came with him from Strasburg responded in a devout and 
regular manner. This excited the indignation of the 
notorious John Knox, who in the afternoon, when it was 
his turn to preach, railed against the Book of Common 
Prayer, calling it superstitious, impure, imperfect, and 
popish, and aflBrming the present persecution to be a 
judgment upon the Church of England for not having 
reformed enough. For this he was justly rebuked by 
Dr. Cox. 

These differences being now come to a great height, it 
was thought proper to fix a day, when both sides might 

240 COX. 

have an impartial hearing, and those matters be debated 
at large. The Tuesday following was the day appointed ; 
and when they were assembled, a motion was made, that 
Dr. Cox, and his companions, might be allowed the privi- 
lege of voting in the congregation. The puritans opposed 
this with great vehemence ; and insisted, that the present 
controversy should be first decided, and that they should 
be obliged to subscribe the discipline, before they were 
allowed that privilege. They also pretended, that some of 
Dr. Cox's company, lay under the suspicion of having 
been at mass in England, and that others had subscribed 
the doctrines of the Church of Rome : by which malicious 
slander, they thought, so to incense the congregation 
against them, that they should not be allowed a farther 
hearing. But this calumny was soon confuted ; the first 
part of the charge being wholly false and groundless, and 
the latter affecting none but Mr. Jewell, whose repentance 
was as public as his offence : and therefore, though this 
idle and wicked aspersion had at first made such impres- 
sion on the congregation, that they withstood the admis- 
sion of Dr. Cox and his friends ; yet when they had been 
allowed to speak in their own vindication they cleared 
themselves, so fully and satisfactory, from that imputa- 
tion, that Knox himself entreated to have them admitted. 
And now the majority being on their side, they declared 
for the immediate restitution of the English liturgy ; and 
forbad Knox, if he continued obstinate in his opposition 
to it, to officiate any longer in the congregation. 

Upon this Whittingham, a leading man among the 
puritans, made his complaint to the senator Glauberge, 
by whose means they had obtained the license for a 
church ; and he interposing in the dispute, commanded 
two of the most eminent of each side to be selected to 
consult and agree upon a decent order for the public 
service ; and when they had settled it to make a report of 
their proceedings to him. On the Church side were ap- 
pointed Dr. Cox and Mr. Lever ; and for the puritans 
Knox and Whittingham. But when they came to a 

cox. 241 

conference, before they had gone through the morning 
service, their differences grew so high (Dr. Cox strenu- 
ously insisting on the restitution of the Uturgy, and 
Knox and Whittingham obstinately rejecting it) that 
the committee was forced to break up without effect. 
The puritans immediately addressed the senate, making 
grievous complaints against the Church party, and reflect- 
ing severely on the obstinacy and incompliance of 
Dr. Cox. By this address they so far prevailed as to 
obtain an order from the magistrates that the congrega- 
tion should conform, in doctrine and ceremonies, to the 
French ; and that those who refused to submit should 
quit the town. 

Dr. Cox, who saw it was but lost labour at present to 
strive against the stream, consented to comply with this 
injunction of the magistrates, till he could have an oppor- 
tunity of laying before them a clear and impartial account 
of things, and convince them of the justice of his cause. 
It was not long before he had the happiness to effect this : 
and because Knox, by his fawning and dissembling, had 
worked himself into their good esteem, and pretended to 
be more zealously and heartily affected towards them than 
any on the church side, he thought it expedient to detect 
his hypocrisy, and give them a true idea of the spirit of 
the man. This he did by shewing them a book written 
by Knox, entituled "An Admonition to Christians;" in 
which he had most bitterly reviled and abused the Em- 
peror, calling him a worse enemy of Christ than Nero ; 
and speaking many obnoxious things bordering on trea- 
son. The magistrates, being willing to act impartially in 
this affair, sent for Whittingham, Knoxs intimate friend, 
and giving him the book with the passages which were 
complained of marked out, they commanded him to bring 
them an exact version of those passages into Latin by one 
in the afternoon. When they had received his version, 
and considered it, after a short deliberation they sent 
Knox a command to depart the city ; otherwise they let 
VOL. IV. 3b 

2i3 COX. 

him know thej should be obliged to deliver him tip to the 
Emperor, if upon information concerning this pestilent 
book he should send to demand him. 

The banishment of Knox was a fatal blow to the 
puritan faction, and they lost ground considerabl}' ; for a 
petition being presented to the magistrates, subscribed by 
three doctors, and thirteen bachelors of divinity, besides 
diverse others of inferior degree, for the establishment of 
the English liturgy, it was received in a most gracious 
manner ; and the liturgy was commanded to be used by 
all the English exiles ; and particular orders were given 
to Whittingham, and bis party, not to presume to oppose, 
or dispute against it. Whittingham, upon this, replied, 
that he was willing to let them, who had such a fond 
esteem for the book, enjoy the full and free use of it ; but 
that he hoped, that himself, and his friends, might have 
the liberty to join themselves to some other Church. 
This indulgence. Dr. Cox foresaw, would be of most per- 
nicious consequence; and therefore requested, that it 
might not be allowed. At this Whittingham took tire, 
and challenged him to a public disputation; but the 
magistrates, who knew Whittingham's obstinate temper 
and ungovernable passion, and had seen by his conduct at 
the late conference how unlikely it was to bring him to 
any reasonable accommodation, refused to suffer it. The 
puritans, extremely mortified at these proceedings, applied 
again to old Glauberge to interpose in their behalf ; but 
he knew them too well now ever to be misled by their 
artifices again, and gave them a flat denial. 

On the ^8th of March, Dr. Cox, who had now gained 
an entire victory, sent for all the English clergy to his 
lodgings, and acquainting them with his success, proposed 
to them to settle the church after the English order, 
and to appoint and fix church officers. The puritans 
exclaimed against the reception of the liturgy, and mur- 
mured at tlie persons appointed to be officers in the 
church ; but they were told that the common prayer was 

cox. 243 

established by the magistrates, under whose protection as 
long as they continued it was their duty to obey them in 
all things lawful ; and that the church was not to be left 
unsettled and in disorder, to gratify their peevish and 
perverse humours. When the affairs of the church were 
regulated, Dr. Cox proceeded to form a kind of an univer- 
sity ; and appointed a Greek and a Hebrew lecturer, a 
divinity professor, and a treasurer for the contributions 
remitted from England. 

As soon as things were thus settled and composed, he 
wrote to Calvin to give him an account of his proceedings, 
and to excuse his not consulting with him in these affairs. 
The letter was subscribed by fourteen of the chief of the 
congregation. Calvin in his answer railed at the church 
ceremonies, condemned their strict adherence to the 
liturgy, and pressed them to comply with the scruples of 
the dissenting party. And, indeed, what other answer 
could be expected from a man who always was severe in 
his censures upon whatever himself had not a principal 
hand in ? But this answer of his taking no effect, the 
puritan faction began to think of removing and setting up 
separate congregations in another place ; and to vindicate 
themselves from the guilt of schism, with which they were 
charged, they wrote to the congregation, desiiing to have 
the cause referred to four arbitrators, to whose decision 
they would stand. This they were told was a most un- 
reasonable request ; and that it would be great folly, when 
every thing was settled in a regular and decent order, 
to undo all again, and refer the decision to arbiters. 
Dr. Cox farther told them that there was more of wilful- 
ness and obstinacy in these pretended scruples of theirs 
than real conscience ; and handsomely exposed their 
ridiculous proposal of referring controversies in religion to 
arbiters. He asked what they would think of them who, 
in the disputes concerning the sacraments, predestination, 
and free-will, should agree to choose four arbiters, and to 
believe in those points whatever they should determine ? 
and whether it was not as foolish and absurd to refer the 

244 COX. 

public worship of God, and the discipline of the Church, 
to the same method of decision ? After this, some warm 
words passed on both sides ; and the puritans departed in 
a rage, and retired to Basil and Geneva. 

Dr. Cox, hoping that all things were now well settled at 
Frankfort, and that by their departure all future occasion 
of religious disputes would be removed, withdrew to Stras- 
burgh, for the satisfaction of conversing with Peter Martyr, 
with whom he had contracted an intimate friendship at 
Oxford, and whom he loved and honoured for his great 
learning and moderation. 

After the death of Queen Mary he returned to Eng- 
land ; and was one of those divines who were appointed 
to review the liturgy : and when a disputation was to 
be held at Westminster, between the papists and the 
reformed clergy, he was the chief champion against the 
Romish bishops. He preached often before Queen Eliza- 
beth in Lent ; and in his sermon at the opening of her 
first parliament, in most affecting terms exhorted them to 
restore religion to its primitive purity, and discharge all 
the popish innovations and corruptions. These excellent 
discourses, and the great zeal he had shewn in defence of 
the English liturgy at Frankfort, so effectually recom- 
mended him to the Queen, that she rewarded his great 
services by noDiinating him to the see of Ely, vacant 
by the deprivation of Thirlby. Before his consecration 
he joined with Dr. Parker, the elect Archbishop of Can- 
terbury, and the elect Bishops of London, Chichester, and 
Hereford, in a petition to the Queen against an act lately 
passed, for the alienating and exchanging the lands and 
revenues of the bishops ; and sent her diverse arguments, 
from Scripture and reason, against the lawfulness of it, 
observing withal the many evils and inconveniences both 
to Church and State, which would be the fatal conse- 
quences thereof. He was consecrated at Lambeth, on the 
'21st of December, 1559. 

This see he filled more than one and twenty years ; and 
was all that time one of the chief pillars and ornamenta 

cox. '245 

of our Church. He was very serviceable both to Arch- 
bishop Parker and his successor Grindal; and by his 
prudence and industry contributed to the regular resti- 
tution of our reformed Church to that beauty and good 
order which it had before enjoyed in the reign of King 
Edward. He was indeed no great favourite of the Queen; 
but that is to be imputed to his zealous opposition to her 
retaining the crucifix on the altar of the Royal Chapel, 
and his strenuous defence of the lawfulness of the mar- 
riage of the clergy, against which the Queen had con- 
tracted a most inveterate and unaccountable prejudice. 
He was a great patron to all learned men whom he found 
well affected to the Church ; and shewed a singular esteem 
for Dr. Whitgift, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, 
whom he made his chaplain, and gave him the rectory of 
Teversham in Cambridgeshire, and a prebend of Ely. He 
did his utmost to obtain a reformation of the ecclesiastical 
laws (which was drawn up by Archbishop Cranmer, Bishop 
Ptidley, and other learned divines, of whom himself was 
one, in the latter end of King Edward's reign) established 
by the authority of parliament ; but through the unreason- 
able opposition of some of the chief courtiers this noble 
design miscarried a third time. 

As he had, in his exile at Frankfort, been the chief 
champion against the factious innovations of the puritans, 
so he now continued, with the same vigour and resolution, 
to oppose their turbulent and seditious attempts against 
the discipline and ceremonies of the Church He laboured 
by gentle usage and learned arguments to bring back the 
seduced ; and by timely and wholesome severities to quell 
and suppress the obstinate and incorrigible. 

When the schism at Frankfort was settled Dr. Cox 
retired to Strasburgh, till the death of Mary, when he 
returned to his native land. 

He reviewed and corrected the writings of Whitgift 
against Cartwright — (See Life of Carticrir/ht and Whit- 
gift) — and when Gaulter, the calvinist, wrote against 

2b 2 

246 COX. 

pressing the catholic ceremonies still retained in our 
church, he addressed to him a letter from which the fol- 
lowing is an extract : 

" I wish indeed you had not lent so ready an ear to a 
few of our somewhat factious brethren. And it were to be 
desired that a man of your piety had not so freely given 
an opinion, before you had fully understood the rise and 
progress of our restoration of religion in England. There 
was formerly published by command of King Edward of 
pious memory, and with the advice and opinion of those 
excellent men. Master Bucer, and Master Peter Martyr, 
then residing in England, a book of common prayer and 
sacraments for the use of the Church of England. But 
now, as soon as our illustrious Queen Elizabeth had suc- 
ceeded to the kingdom, she restored this holy little book 
to the Church of England, with the highest sanction of 
the whole kingdom. At that time no office or function of 
religion was committed to us who now preside over the 
churches ; but when we were called to the ministry of the 
churches, we embraced that book with open arms, and not 
without thanks to God who had preserved for us such a 
treasure, and restored it to us in safety. For we know 
that this book ordains nothing contrary to the word of 

" It will not be foreign to the subject to state what 
Master Peter Martyr of pious memory wrote to us when 
exiles at Frankfort. ' I find nothing,' he says, speaking of 
this book, ' in that book contrary to godliness. We know 
that some contentious men have cavilled at and calum- 
niated it. Such persons ought rather to have remem- 
bered that our Lord is not a God of contention, but of 
peace.' Had you been aware of these circumstances, 
Master Gaulter, you would not have been so alarmed, as 
you say you are, lest after the imposition of the habits 
some greater evil might ensue. The statements indeed, 
which are whispered in your ears by the contentious, are 
inoit absurd : for instance, that besides the habits many 

cox. 247 

other things are to be obtruded on the Church; and that 
there are some who make an hriproper use of the name of 
the Queen ; and moreover, that the ministers who refuse 
to subscribe to the injunctions of certain individuals, are 
to be turned out of the churches : just as if there were any 
persons in England who would dare to frame laws by their 
private authority, and propound them for the obedience 
of their bretliren. But this is not only false, but injuri- 
ous both to the Queen and. the ministei's of the word, to 
wit, that we may humour her royal highness, and make 
her more decided in ordering every thing according to her 
own pleasure. But far be any one from suspecting any 
thmg of the kind in so godly and religious a personage, 
who has always been so exceedingly scrupulous in deviat- 
ing even in the slightest degree from the laws prescribed. 
Moreover, she is in the habit of listening with the greatest 
patience to bitter and sufficiently cutting discourses. 
Again, far be it that the ministers of the word should be 
said to have foully degenerated into base flattery. We 
indeed do not as yet know of any one who has abused 
either your authority, Gaulter, or that of any godly 
fathers, in approval of the popish dress, which we seri- 
ously reject and condemn equally with themselves. Nor 
is it true that we have obtruded any thing upon our bre- 
thren out of the pope's kitchen. The surplice was used 
in the Church of Christ long before the introduction of 
popery. But these things are proposed by us as having 
been sanctioned by the laws, not as the papists abused 
them to superstition, but only for distinction, that order 
and decency may be preserved in the ministry of the word 
and sacraments. And neither good pastors nor pious lay- 
men are offended at these things. 

" You seem to take it ill that the bishops w^ere ap- 
pointed to the management of these matters. Nay, you 
seem to insinuate, from the parable of Christ, (Matt. xxiv. 
49,) that we are perfidious, drunken, and smiters of our 
fellow-servants; as if we approved the figments of the 
superstitious courtiers, and treated the godly ministers 

248 COX. 

with severity, and exhibited ourselves as the ministers of 
intemperate rashness. You thought that we should defend 
the cause of such ministers. 

" These imputations are very hard, and very far from 
the truth. Has not the management and conservation of 
ecclesiastical rites, from the very origin of a well-consti- 
tuted church, been at all times under the especial control 
of bishops ? Have not the despisers and violators of such 
rites been rebuked and brought into order by the bishops ? 
Let the practice of the holy Church be referred to, and it 
will be evident that this is the truth. And it would cer- 
tainly be most unjust to number those who now discharge 
the episcopal office, among the perfidious or the drunken. 
You candidly and truly confess, Master Gaulter, that 
there are some among those brethren who are a little 
morose; and you might add too, obstreperous, conten- 
tious, rending asunder the unity of a well-constituted 
Church, and everywhere handing up and down among the 
people a form of divine worship concocted out of their own 
heads ; that book, in the mean time, composed by godly 
fathers, and set forth by lawful authority, being altogether 
despised and trodden under foot. In addition to this, 
they inveigh in their sermons, which are of too popular a 
character, against the popish filth and the monstrous 
habits, which, they exclaim, are the ministers of impiety 
and eternal damnation. Nothing moves them, neither 
the authority of the state, nor of our Church, nor of her 
most serene majesty, nor of brotherly warning, nor of 
pious exhortation. Neither have they any regard to our 
weaker brethren, who are hitherto smoking like flax, but 
endeavour dangerously to inflame their minds. These 
our brethren will not allow us to imitate the prudence of 
Paul, w4io became all things to all men, that he might 
gain some. Your advice, and that especially of the 
reverend fathers Martin Bucer, Peter Martyr, and Henry 
Bullinger, can have no weight with these men. We are 
undeservedly branded with the accusation of not having 
performed our duty, because we do not defend the cause 

cox. 24g 

of those whom we regard as disturbers of peace and reli- 
gion ; and who by the vehemence of their harangues have 
so maddened the wretched multitude, and driven some of 
them to that pitch of frenzy, that they now obstinately 
refuse to enter our churches, either to baptize their child- 
ren, or to partake of the Lord's Supper, or to hear sermons. 
They are entirely separated both from us and from those 
good brethren of ours ; they seek bye paths ; they establish 
a private religion, and assemble in private houses, and 
there perform their sacred rites, as the Donatists of old, 
and the Anabaptists now ; and as also our papists, who 
run up and down the cities, that they may somewhere or 
other hear mass in private. This indeed is too disgusting, 
to connect our Queen with the pope." 

This zealous Anglican Prelate was the chief supporter 
of Archbishop Parker, whom he exhorted to go on vigor- 
ously in reclaiming and restraining the puritans, and not 
to sink or be disheartened at the frowns of those court- 
favourites who protected them ; assuring him that he 
might expect the blessing of God on his pious labours to 
free the Church from their dangerous attempts, and to 
restore its unity, and establish uniformity. And when 
the privy council interposed in favour of the puritans, and 
endeavoured to screen them from punishment, he wrote a 
bold letter to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh ; in which he 
warmly expostulated with the council for meddling in the 
affairs of the Church, which ought to be left to the deter- 
mination of the bishops ; admonished them to keep them- 
selves within their own sphere ; and acquainted them with 
his design of appealing to the Queen, if they continued to 
interpose in matters not belonging to them. 

This zeal of the good bishop in defence of the Church 
was, in all probability, the occasion why the Lord North, 
and some other of the courtiers, endeavoured to rob him 
of his best manors ; and on his absolute refusal to alien- 
ate, or give them aw^ay, did their utmost to incense the 
Queen against him, and get him deprived. They examined 
his whole conduct from his first accession to that see ; and 

S50 COX. 

drew up a large body of articles against him : but the bishop, 
in his reply, so fully vindicated himself from all asper- 
sions, and so clearly confuted their groundless and mali- 
cious calumnies, that the Queen was forced to confess him 
innocent. Notwithstanding which, perceiving the malice 
of his enemies to be implacable, and that there was no 
possibility of reclaiming them from their sacrilegious de- 
signs, he wrote of his own accord to the Queen, begging of 
her to give him leave to resign. His great age and infirm 
state of health made him the more earnest in his petition : 
and his resignation would have been certainly accepted if 
they could have found any other divine of note who would 
have taken the see on their terms. The first offer of it was 
made to Parkhurst, Bishop of Norwich ; and on his re- 
fusal it was proffered to several others : but the conditions 
were so ignominious and base that they all rejected it : 
by which means Bishop Cox continued in it till his death, 
which happened on the 22nd of July, 1581, in the eighty- 
second year of his age. The see continued vacant near 
twenty years after his death ; during which time there is 
no doubt but those sacrilegious designs, which he so reso- 
lutely opposed, were executed with a high hand. 
His works, chiefly published after his decease, are, 

1. "An Oration at the beginning of the Disputation of 
Dr. Tresham and others with Peter Martyr." 

2. "An Oration at the conclusion of the same ;" both 
in Latin, and printed in 1549, 4to, and afterwards among 
Peter Martyr's works. The second is also printed in the 
Appendix to Strype's Life of Cranmer. 

'6. He had a great hand in compiling the first Liturgy 
of the Church of England : and was one of the chief 
persons employed in the review of it in 1559. 

4. He turned into verse the Lord's Prayer, commonly 
printed at the end of Sternhold and Hopkins's Psalms, a 
composition which will not bear modern criticism. 

5. When a new Translation of the Bible was made in 
the reign of Queen Elizabeth, now commonly known by 
the name of the Bishop's Bible, the Four Gospels, the 


Acts of the Apostles, and the Epistle to the Romans, were 
allotted to him, for his portion. 

6. He wrote, " Resolutions of some Questions concern- 
ing the Sacraments ;" in the collection of records at the 
end of Dr. Burnet's History of the Reformation. 

7. He had a hand in the " Declaration concerning the 
functions and divine institution of Bishops and Priests," 
and in the " Answers to the ' Queries concerning some 
abuses of the Mass.' " 

8. Several letters and small pieces of his have been 
published by Strype, in his Annals of the Reformation, 
and Lives of the four Archbishops ; and he is said to have 
assisted in Lilly's Grammar. A letter written by him in 
1569, directed to the parson of Downham, and found in 
the parish chest of that place, was some years ago pub- 
lished in the Gentleman's Magazine. It relates chiefly to 
the state and condition of the poor, before the statutes of 
the 14th and 43rd of Queen Elizabeth were enacted ; and 
shews that the bishop was animated with a very laudable 
zeal for engaging persons of wealth and substance to 
contribute liberally, cheerfully, and charitably, to their 
indigent neighbours. — Downes. Brief Discourse of the 
Troubles at Frankfort. Zurich Letters. 


Samuel Cradock was born in 1620, and educated at 
Emanuel College, Cambridge, of which he became fellow, 
and was presented to the rectory of North Cadbury, in 
Somersetshire, from whence he was ejected for non-con- 
formity in 1662. After this he settled at Bishop Stortford, 
in Hertfordshire, where he died in 1706. His works are, 

1. Knowledge and Practice, a System of Divinity, folio. 

2. The Harmony of the Evangelists, folio. 3. The Apos- 
tolical History, folio. 4. The Old Testament Methodized, 
8 vols, folio. 5. An Exposition of the Revelations.— 



Zachart Cradock, brother of the preceding, was born 
in 1633. He was educated at Queen's College, Cambridge, 
and in 1672 was appointed provost of Eton, in opposi- 
tion to Waller, the poet. He died in 1695. Dr. Cradock 
published two sermons, one on Providence, and the other 
on the Design of Christianity. — Gen. Biog. Diet, 


Thomas Cranmer was born July 2nd, 1489, at Aslacton, 
in the county of Nottingham, and at fourteen years of age 
was sent to Jesus College, Cambridge, by his mother, his 
father being dead. At the age of twenty-two he married 
and forfeited the fellowship he had obtained in his college, 
to which, however, on his wife's death, the year after, he 
was restored. He was offered promotion in Cardinal 
Wolsey's College at Oxford, which he, for some unknown 
reason, declined, but the offer proves the estimation in 
which he was held in his own university. Proceeding to 
the degree of D.D. he was, in 1526, appointed one of the 
public examiners of theology in the university. At this 
time there were several pious men in the university who, 
from the study of the Scriptures and the early fathers, as 
well as from the instructions of Erasmus, were anxious to 
see the Church of England reformed, but the spirit of 
Romanism had so thoroughly pervaded the Church, that 
to this new school, which was prepared to oppose Romish 
peculiarities, whenever discovered to be such, a great 
opposition was raised. Dr. Cranmer, though naturally 
timid and cautious, was on the reforming side, and was 
ready to adopt any lawful measures for ridding the coun- 
try of papal usurpation. 

About this period Henry the Vlllth felt, or affected to 
feel, compunction of conscience, for having married his 
brother's widow, the amiable, the pious, the devoted 


€atherine. If his passion for Anne Boleyn did not give 
rise to his feelings, with respect to the divorce, and the 
facts of history seem to shew that he had entertained 
them before he was acquainted with her, there can le 
no doubt that this circumstance decided his iniquitous 

It was not hkely that Dr. Cranmer -would at this time 
be acquainted with the virtues of the exemplary Catherine, 
or with the heartless intrigues of the giddy girl, who 
thought to rise upon her ruin. The question of the 
King's divorce assumed both a political and a religious 
aspect, for it involved a question of papal authority. It is 
not to be wondered at, that those who thought that the 
whole of that authority, as exercised over the Church of 
England, was a usurpation, should enter eagerly upon 
the subject when the King was beginning to dispute that 
authority on a particular point. Let the authority be 
shaken on one point, it would soon be shaken on others 
also. This seems to have been the feeling in Dr. Cran- 
mer's mind, when at the house of Mr. Cressy, Waltham 
Abbey, Essex, he met Edward Fox, the King's almoner, 
and Stephen Gardiner, the King's secretary. In the 
course of conversation he delivered it as his opinion that 
it would be better " to have the question whether a man 
may marry his brother's wife or no, decided and discussed 
by the divines, and by the authority of the Word of Gcd, 
than thus from year to year to prolong the time by having 
recourse to the pope ; that there was but one truth in it, 
which the Scriptures would soon declare and manifest, 
being handled by learned men, and that it might as well 
be done in England, in the universities here, as at Rome, 
or elsewhere." This opinion being reported by these 
official personages to the King, Dr. Cranmer was sum- 
moned to the royal presence, and taken into favour. He 
was directed to write a book on the divorce, which he did, 
residing at the time with Thomas Boleyn, Earl of Wilt- 
shire. When he had finished the book, in which he 

VOL. IV. 2 c 


asserted that the pope could not dispense with the Word 
of God ; he went to Cambridge, where he brought many 
persons over to his view of the subject. He was made 
Kings chaplain, and Archdeacon of Taunton. From that 
time there seems to have existed a personal attachment 
between Henrj and Cranmer. It is difficult to account 
for the fact, that Cranmer escaped the destruction or 
disgrace which was destined for most of those who 
had been at any time favourites with Henry, except 
on the supposition that Henry perceived that, while 
others were serving him to promote their selfish ends, 
Cranmer was really attached to his person. Nor may 
we wonder that such a person as the gentle-spirited and 
pure-minded Cranmer should become attached to the 
King ; for the viler traits of Henry's character were 
only gradually brought to hght ; and much may have 
been concealed from Cranmer when primate. There 
was much in Henry's personal address to conciliate 
esteem, for he was, in spite of his vices, during great part 
of his reign, a popular sovereign. And we all know how 
apt the mind is to make allowances for the worst charac- 
ters, when by frequent intercourse we find something 
good in them, which is unknown to those who only see 
the coarser features ; and this kind of weakness, which 
renders it so dangerous to associate with a wicked per- 
son, is only increased when that person is a king, and 
that king a benefactor. The more vigorous mind of the 
bluff Henry may have overawed the yielding spirit of 

Cranmer was sent as ambassador to Rome, where he pre- 
sented to the pope the book before alluded to, in which 
he had proved that the pope had no authority to dis- 
pense with the Word of God. He offered to dispute 
against the validity of Henry's marriage, but he found 
no opponent. He was, however, civilly treated, and the 
pope made him grand penitentiary throughout England, 
Ireland, and Wales. He was sent also to Germanj on 


the same affair ; and in 1532 concluded a treaty of com- 
merce between England and the Low Countries. During 
his residence in Germany he married a second time, and 
had for his wife Anne, niece of Osiander. 

In 1532, on the death of Archbishop Warham, 
Dr. Cranmer was fixed upon by Henry for his successor 
in the metropolitan see of Canterbury. Much has been 
written about his unwillingness to accept the appoint- 
ment, some asserting, and some doubting his sincerity. 
No one can suppose that Cranmer was not an expectant 
of preferment; high in favour with the King, and em- 
ployed in affairs of the first importance, he must have felt 
secure on that point ; and this very circumstance would 
render him the less willing to undertake so dangerous 
and difficult a post as that of the primacy. He must have 
seen that things could not remain as they were ; and 
while he felt it his duty to support the movement party, 
he was himself a quiet, unambitious, rather self-indulgent 
person ; not by nature qualified to be either a leader or a 
martyr. Nothing could be more probable than that such 
a person should linger and delay as much as possible, — 
in the hope that in the meantime something else might 
fall vacant better suited to his desire of domestic comfort. 
Henry, however, was not a person to be disobeyed ; it was 
indeed equally dangerous to accept or to refuse a favour at 
his hands. And by the command of Henry, Cranmer 
became Archbishop of Canterbury. Much has been written 
on the subject of the protest he uttered previously to his 
taking an oath of fidelity to the pontiff. It is not a plea- 
sant passage in his life, but it is only one out of the 
many instances which are on record of his weakness. He 
stated to the King his opinion that since of the Church of 
England, he regarded the King, not the pope, as the 
supreme head, — (an error quite as bad as that which 
allots the headship to the pope) — the oath of fidelity 
should be taken only to his majesty. And it was a kind 
of compromise between Cranmer and the King, suggested 


by the lawyers, that he should take the papal oath, but 
under protest. There is no doubt now that, contrary to 
the statements of papal writers, the protest was made 

One of the first acts of the new primate was to pro- 
nounce sentence of divoree upon the pious and exem- 
plary Catherine. However much we may pity the injured 
Queen, the subject of the divorce had been fully can- 
vassed, and there can be no doubt that Cranmer acted 
conscientiously. His next act was to crown her thought- 
less, heartless successor, Anne Boleyn; though he expressly 
declares that he had nothing to do with her hasty, secret, 
and indecent marriage with Henry. 

In this year, 1533, he sat in judgment upon one Frith, 
who was condemned to the stake for refusing to speak of 
the corporeal presence of Christ within the host and sacra- 
ment of the altar as necessary to be believed. Although 
the penalties of the law were enforced, Cranmer, with his 
usual benevolence, endeavoured most earnestly to persuade 
the poor man to recant. 

After this he held a visitation of his diocese, where he 
found the clergy to be a divided body ; some maintaining 
with more zeal than discretion, the new doctrines, as they 
were called, of the universities ; others wishing to keep 
the Church as it then was, and as strongly attached to the 
Romish interpretation of our formularies as some persons 
now are to the calvinistic interpretation of them. When 
there is a disagreement as to principles, the disagreement 
is manifested generally by their application to some one 
subject of general interest ; and the subject of discussion 
among the clergy now related to the royal divorce and 
marriage. If the reforming party in bur church had the 
best of the argument when contending against the papal 
supremacy, they must at the same time have found it. 
difficult to defend the King's indecent marriage, which 
would seem to be the result, not of principle, but of appe- 
tite. Such difficulties are frequently experienced, and 


men defend what is wrong lest they should injure a good 
cause, hoping and believing that there is some palliation 
for the wrong conduct of those who advocate right prin- 
ciples, though at the time unknown. Cranmer's mode of 
putting an end to the controversy would not be approved 
in the present day. He restrained both parties from 

The Archbishop this year had the honour to be god- 
father to the Princess Elizabeth, afterwards the celebrated 
Queen ; and the pope threatening him with excommuni- 
cation on account of his sentence against Queen Catherine, 
he appealed to a general council. In 1534 he acted on 
the same principle, and through his influence acts of par- 
liament were passed, abolishing the papal supremacy. 
In convocation this year it was declared by both houses, 
that the pope had no greater authority in this country 
than any other foreign prelate, and Cranmer, in conse- 
quence, altered his title, removing the words apostolicae 
sedis legatus, and inserting metropolitanus. Thus did 
the clergy declare, that the power exercised over our 
Church by the pope was a usurpation. It was ordered 
that the pope's name should be struck out of the offices of 
the Church, and in the bidding prayer they were directed 
to teach the people to pray for " our Sovereign Lord 
Henry VIIL, being immediate, next to God, the only and 
supreme head of this our Catholic Church of England." 
The complete and easy manner in which this great change 
was eifected is, as Mr. Soames observes, worthy of remark. 
On the last day of March, Archbishop Cranmer proposed 
to the convocation of his province the following question : 
Has the Roman bishop conferred upon him by God any 
greater jurisdiction in this kingdom than any other foreign 
bishop ? In the upper house this question was unani- 
mously decided in the negative : in the lower house four 
members only voted in the affirmative, and one doubted. 
Even this inconsiderable degree of dissent was not mani- 
fested by the clergy of the northern province. The con- 

2c 2 


vocation assembled at York unanimously, after diligent 
inquiry and mature deliberation, determined the question 
in the negative. The same question was submitted to the 
two universities, and they also came, without a single dis- 
sentient voice, to the same determination. These learned 
bodies did not, however, deny the principles which they 
had been used to inculcate, with undue haste, or without 
sufficient investigation. They examined the matter re- 
ferred to them in public disputations, and the conclusion 
to which they came was such as they found themselves 
unable to elude. In their judgment the less distin- 
guished ecclesiastical corporations also concurred, and 
thus the whole clergy of England renounced, almost 
without a struggle, the foreign authority to which the 
Church had been long used to bow : a convincing proof 
that the arguments upon which this alien interference is- 
founded will not bear the test of diligent and impartial 

In 1535, the Archbishop submitted to the disgrace of 
having a layman placed over him in ecclesiastical affairs. 
Thomas Cromwell, a worldly minded, jobbing advocate 
of the reforming party, who seems to have exercised con- 
siderable influence over the undecided and unsuspect- 
ing mind of the Archbishop, was made vicar-general, 
or vice-gereot, and took precedence of both Archbishops. 
We must not blame Archbishop Cranmer very severely 
for this, — his notion was, however mistaken, yet sincere ; 
that the King had succeeded to all the authority which 
the pope had heretofore exercised, excepting only the 
power of officiatiug in church, and he received Cromwell 
as the Sovereign's representative. Although we, at a dis 
tant period, perceive this to have been a mistake, yet the 
position was anomalous, and we must make due allow- 
ance. We may regret that one of firmer principles 
was not archbishop at the time to establish his rights ; 
but we cannot censure Cranmer, because, when placed 
in ver}' difficult circumstances, he was too meek and 


In the convocation of this year certain articles of reli- 
gion were set forth, in which the clergy were required to 
teach all things contained in the Scriptures, and the three 
creeds, and to condemn all things contrary thereto, as 
they had been condemned in the first four general 
councils. As the pope was about to hold a council 
at MaDtua, in which it was probable the proceedings 
in Eugland would be censured, a remonstrance was 
signed by the convocation, in which it was declared 
that neither the Bishop of Rome, nor any one prince, 
without the consent of others, could assemble a general 

Cromwell, well knowing that nothing would so tend to 
preserve his authority as devising means for replenishing 
the funds of his master, proposed this year to dissolve the 
lesser monasteries, on the plea of their attachment to 
Rome. With the exception of Cromwell, Henry, and the 
dissolute courtiers, the other reformers endeavoured to 
prevent the suppression from being general, or at least to 
convert the revenues to ecclesiastical purposes. Cranmer 
wished them to be devoted to the formation of new 
bishoprics. A visitation of the monasteries, in the King s 
name, was appointed ; the Archbishop being inhibited 
from interfering. The visitation was conducted in 
the most unjust and tyrannical manner, although, with- 
out doubt, into many of the religious houses great abuses 
had crept ; only the lesser monasteries were dissolved at 
this time. 

In 1536 the tyrant King, who is the disgrace of the 
Reformation, having fallen in love with Jane Seymour, 
determined to rid himself of Anne Boleyn. There is a 
characteristic letter extant of Cranmer's to the King upon 
the proceedings against the Queen. It is cautious, 
courtier-like, and so worded as not to give offence ; but 
there is an attempt to say something in favour of the 
Queen, though not enough to bring the writer into dis- 
grace, Cranmer, who had not the spirit of St. Ambrose 


to resist a tyrant, pronounced a sentence of divorce against 
the Queen, but on what grounds it does not appear. 

In 1537 was published the Institution of a Christian 
Man. It was called the Bishop's Book, because drawn 
up chiefly by their authority. Cranmer was at this time 
much annoyed by slanders and various calumnies, which 
were heaped upon him by those who were opposed to the 
movement ; and they are merely mentioned here to notice 
the meekness and gentleness with which the Archbishop 
remonstrated with the offenders, at a time when he had 
the power to commit them to prison. To his great joy, 
what may be called the first version of Scripture author- 
ized by our Church, was published this year. What is 
called Cranmer s, or the great Bible, was published in 
1539, of which the King granted, at Cranmer s interces- 
sion, a free and liberal use. 

In the year 1538 the shrine of Thomas a Becket in 
our Archbishop's own cathedral w^as destroyed, and it was 
followed by the destruction of other shrines ; — the im- 
postures practised by a low and degraded class of the 
clergy were many and great, and on being exposed must 
have strengthened the hands of the new^ school, which was 
certainly gaining ground in our church. Some envoys from 
the protestant princes of Germany, expecting from these 
circumstances to win Henry over to their side, were now 
in England on Cranmer's invitation ; they had discussions 
with the Archbishop and some of our other divines, both 
with respect to the Romish impositions and with respect 
also to the articles of the Confession of Augsburg. But 
they do not seem to have made any great impression 
upon the chief persons in our church, and they left the 
country evidently disappointed. Even Cranmer took parti 
in the trial of Lambert soon after, who was consigned to 
the flames, for lefusing to admit the doctrine of transub- 

Towards the close of Henry's reign the Romish party 
in our church came into power, and nothing but the 


King's personal attachment to Cranmer saved him. 
Bishop Gardiner was in the royal favour, and the Duke 
of Norfolk was prime minister. As is too often the case 
wdth political parties, they purchased peace by the sacri- 
fice of principle, and by purchasing the King's favour at a 
disgraceful price. If Cromwell and the reforming party 
are to blame for destroying the lesser monasteries, they 
have at least the excuse to urge in their favour, that if 
they sometimes exaggerated defects, they certainly found in 
many instances very scandalous abuses. It was by the 
Romish party that the measure for the destruction of the 
greater monasteries was carried ; the reformers now in 
opposition, only contending against the appropriation of 
the revenues to the sole use of the King. They wished 
them to be bestowed upon hospitals, grammar schools, 
and cathedrals, under new regulations. They did in part 
succeed ; but the revenues intended for the promotion of 
piety were for the most part squandered by Henry and 
his profligate courtiers. The loss to the poor was great; 
not only because the monks were more charitable than the 
courtiers, maintaining all the poor in their district, but 
because the property was public property, i. e. property in 
which many persons had a share, and to the possession of 
which the poorest man might rise. If it were an evil that 
the property became so large ; it is admitted. It is an 
evil, and causes discontent, that one man, whether peer 
or commoner, should have a fortune of a hundred thou- 
sand a year. But it is a greater evil, — an evil which 
would be attended with worse results, to take his fortune 
from him : therefore he is j)ermitted to retain it. But 
the poor have no defenders : their property was seized, 
and for years the country suffered from the act of in- 
justice. That the system of monasteries had done its 
work, that the corruptions were great, that a radical 
reform was necessary, no one acquainted with ecclesi- 
astical history can doubt. We only regret that what had 
been given to the poor had not been reserved in soma 


way to be a blessing to the million, instead of being 
devoted to the support of Henry's courtiers and their 

It is much to be regretted that, by the spoliation of the 
Church, Cranmer, among other courtiers, sought to enrich 
his family. King Edward the Vlth, in the tirst year of 
his reign, granted among other estates all the demesne 
lands in Horsforth, belonging to the monastery of Kirk- 
stall, the ruins of which are still the ornament of the 
parish of Leeds, to Archbishop Cranmer. And in the 
fourth year of the same reign, the same archbishop 
obtained a license to alienate these lands to one Peter 
Hammond, and others, to the use of Thomas Cranmer his 
eldest son, and his heirs. This alienation of church 
property during the royal ministry, and when the arch- 
bishop's influence, as one of the regency, must have been 
great, will ever be a reflection upon his grace's character, 
while it betrays a worldliness of mind which his piety was 
unable to overcome. 

In 1539, both in convocation and in parliament, the 
Romish party of the Church of England had so far gained 
the ascendancy, as to obtain the enactment of the memor- 
able six articles, the first of which asserted the popish 
view of transubstantiation ; the second defended half 
communion, the third enforced clerical celibacy, the 
fourth related to vows of chastity, the sixth insisted on 
auricular confession. 

The most honorable and the boldest step ever taken by 
Cranmer, was his arguing in the negative against most of 
these propositions, in spite of the King's support of them. 
His opposition was energetic, and it was made under a 
sovereign who could ill brook opposition, and therefore at 
the peril of his life. 

But this was succeeded by conduct the most cowardly 
and disgraceful. Both parties in the Church of England, 
the Romish under Gardiner, and the reforming under 
Cranmer, assented to the divorce of Ann of Cleves, on th^ 


ground that the King had not inivardly consented to the 
marriage. It was sanctioned by convocation, and thus 
the whole Church was involved in the disgrace. The dis- 
grace and execution of Cromwell soon followed. The 
tenderness of Crauraer's nature induced him to plead for 
the man who, however unworthy, had been so long his 
friend ; but his was the cautious pleading of a courtier. 
He did not speak for the man whom he believed to be 
innocent with the boldness of the ancient fathers, but, 
courtier-like, he said ; " I loved him as my friend, for so 
I took him to be ; but I chiefly loved him for the love 
which I thought I saw him bear ever towards your grace 
singularly above all other. But now if he be traitor I am 
sorry I ever loved him or trusted him, and am very glad 
his treason is discovered in time." However cleverly 
turned this may be, it is nevertheless far from the style 
in which we should have wished an archbishop to write. 
And we must add, that on the second and third readings 
of the bill of attainder against Cromwell, Cranmer offered 
no dissent. 

He was at this time employed in discussing the seve- 
ral articles of the Book, which was published in 1543, 
"A necessary Doctrine and Erudition of Christian Men," it 
was a revision, but not an improvement of the Institution. 
The Institution had been sanctioned by convocation, the 
Erudition had only the authority of the King. Cranmer 
took the lowest possible view of ecclesiastical offices at this 
time, and instead of acting with the freedom of a Christian 
Bishop, he wrote at the end of the first of the answers 
forwarded to the King, " This is my opinion and sentence 
at this present ; which I do not temerariously define, but 
remit the judgment thereof wholly unto your Ma-jesty." 
We can scarcely conceive any thing more dastardly than 
such a sentence addressed by an Archbishop to a profligate 

In the convocation of 15*2, the Romish party made 
another attempt to stay the progress of Scrijitural know- 


ledge. Existing English versions of the Bible were 
again loudly decried as incorrect, and it was repre- 
sented that, in justice to the people, a new revision 
of the sacred volume was imperiously required. The 
propriety of such a measure not being denied by the 
reforming party. Bishop Gardiner proposed that in 
the new translation about one hundred terms, which 
he said the English tongue could not adequately ex- 
press, should be rendered into Latin. The convocation, 
however, refrained from compromising its character by 
mocking the nation with the offer of a translation of 
the Bible rather tending to embarrass than to inform 
the popular mind. It was at first proposed that the 
Bishops should severally undertake to revise portions of 
the sacred volume ; but, as from their obvious leaning 
towards the Romish policy, there was reason to doubt 
their zeal in such an employment, Cranmer moved, that 
the desired revision should be confided to the two univer- 
sities. This proposal elicited fresh opposition from tlie 
Romanizers. All the Bishops, except Goodrich of Ely, 
and Barlow of St. David's, protested against it. The 
reputation for learning formerly enjoyed by the universities, 
it was asserted, had been much impaired of late ; and the 
men who then took the lead at those celebrated seminaries 
were described as very unequal, both from unripeness of 
age and from want of judgment, to prepare such an edition 
of the sacred writers as might justly claim the confidence 
of Englishmen. By these representations, however, the 
primate was wholly unmoved. He had obtained the 
King's concurrence in his plan, and the convocation did 
not eventually presume to dispute such high authority. 
But the triumph gained led to no result. Whatever were 
the cause, nothing is known to have been done by the 
universities at this time towards perfecting the English 
Bible ; and the whole debate is only deserving of notice, 
inasmuch as it furnishes, not one of the least remarkable 
of the many instances, which shew the unwillingness of 


Romanists to allow a free comparison of their tenets with 
the declarations of that volume which alone forms the 
universally recognized, and unquestionably safe standard 
of a Christians faith. 

Cranmer had also the merit of drawing the attention of 
this convocation to the absurd honours which images still 
continued to receive. The clumsy attempts to decorate 
these objects, in which vulgar superstition yet found a 
vent, were now formally condemned ; and the saints of 
stone, or wood, were for the future to be deprived of their 
silken vests, and glimmering tapers. Besides obliging 
the clergy to clear their churches of these unsightly fop- 
peries, the Archbishop proposed a revision of the ritual. 
He urged the propriety of expunging from the public ser- 
vice all mention of the pope, and of saints not recorded in 
Scripture, or in authentic authors ; all legendary tales, 
and every other matter which would not bear to be con 
fronted with the undoubted Word of God. This proposal, 
however, appears to have been rather coldly received 
With omitting all mention of the pope, of Becket, and ot 
some other Romish saints, the clergy generally were dis- 
posed to rest satisfied. Another year, therefore, was 
allowed to pass away, and still the service-book was found 
to vary but very inconsiderably from its old state. At the 
expiration of that period, Cranmer acquainted the convo- 
cation that he was the bearer of his majesty's commands, 
enjoining an immediate revision of the liturgy. In conse- 
quence of this message it was voted, that the Bishops of 
Ely and Sarum, together with six assistants, three for 
each prelate, to be selected from the lower house, should 
be charged to fulfil the royal pleasure. The inferior 
clergy, however, declined the nomination of any members 
from their own body for this purpose ; and the projected 
revisal was either not attempted at all, or very slightly 
performed. Indeed, to the end of Henry's reign, the 
liturgical books in use before his rupture with Rome, were 
allowed, with a few omissions or erasures, to direct the 

VOL. lY. 2d 

•266 CRANMER. 

public devotions. Another motion of the protestant party, 
offered to the convocation of this year, also failed of 
success. The Lord Chancellor Audley submitted to the 
consideration of the upper house a bill, which he proposed 
to lay before parliament, intended to enable married men 
to act as chancellors in the diocesan courts, and to exer- 
cise in an effective manner the functions of that ofiQce. 
This bill, however, was highly disapproved by the 
prelates ; and, by their instances, the chancellor was in- 
(Juced to abandon the design of introducing it to the 
house of lords. 

Amidst this stiffness in maintaining established usages, 
the upper house of convocation was not wholly unmindful 
of a more liberal policy. It was ordered there, that on 
every Sunday and holiday throughout the year, the offi- 
ciating minister of every parish should read to his con- 
gregation a chapter, in English, out of the Bible, after 
the Te Veum and Magnificat. He was not, however, to 
accompany his reading by any comment ; and he wa» 
to read in succession all the chapters in the Sacred 

In his visitation, in 1543, the Archbishop found the 
clergy much divided : some had neglected to proclaim the 
royal supremacy, while others of the new school, and 
among them Ridley and the Archbishop's brother, seem to 
have fallen into some indiscretion in their attempts to 
reform. The Romish clergy of the Church of England 
still warned the people against the preachers of the new 
learning. Several conspiracies were formed against the 
Archbishop, from which he only escaped through the 
friendship of the King. The account given of his trials is 
not quite the same in Strype and Burnet as in Arch- 
bishop Parker ; and it is not worth while, in such a con- 
cise biography as this, to enter into the discussion of 
details. We proceed therefore to remark that, in 1544, 
when the King was preparing for an expedition against 
France^ and had ordered a litany to be said for a blessing 


on bis arms, the Archbishop prevailed with him, to let it 
be set forth in English ; the service in an unknown 
tongue making the people neghgent in coming to Church. 
This, with the prohibition of some superstitious and un- 
warrantable customs, touching vigils and the W'Orship of 
the cross, was all the progress the Reformation made 
during the reign of King Henry : for the intended refor- 
mation of the Canon Law, was, by the craft of Bishop 
Gardiner, suppressed for reasons of state ; and the King, 
toward the latter end of his life, seemed to have a strong 
bias toward the popish supei^titions, and to frown on all 
attempts at a Reformation. 

On the 28th of January, 1546, King Henry departed 
this life ; and was succeeded by his only son, Edward, 
who was godson to the Archbishop, and had been instruct- 
ed by men who favoured the Reformation. Archbishop 
Cranmer was one of those, whom the late King had 
nominated for his executors, and who were to take 
the administration of the government into their hands, 
till King Edward was eighteen years old: and when 
the Earl of Hertford was afterwards chosen protector, 
his power was limited, so as not to be able to do any 
thing, without the advice and consent of all the other 

We have hitherto seen Dr. Cranmer, the advocate of 
the Reformation, but yielding in his w^eakness too fre- 
quently to King Henry. We now must look upon him as 
exposed to other influences, and through weakness yield- 
ing to the ultra-protestants. 

On the 20th of February, the coronation of King 
Edward was solemnized at Westminster Abbey. The 
ceremony was performed by Archbishop Cranmer, who 
made a speech to the King; in which, after a just 
censure of the papal encroachments on princes, and 
a declaration, that the solemn ceremonies of a corona- 
tion add nothing to the authority of a prince, whose 
power is derived immediately from God ; he goes on to 


inform the King of his duty, exhorts him to follow the 
precedent of good Josias, to regulate the Avorship of God, 
to suppress idolatry, reward virtue, execute justice, relieve 
the poor, repress violence, and punish the evil-doer. It 
may not be improper to transcribe what he says concern- 
ing the divine original of kingly power, in his own words, 
to rectify some prevailing notions amongst us. 

*' The solemn rites of coronation," says he, '•' have their 
ends and utility, yet neither direct force or necessity ; 
they be good admonitions to put kings in mind of their 
duty to God, but no increasement of their dignity : for 
they be God's anointed, not in respect of the oil, which 
the bishop useth, but in consideration of their power 
which is ordained, of the sword which is authorized, of 
their persons which are elected of God; and endued 
with the gifts of His Spirit, for the better ruling and 
guiding of His people. The oil, if added, is but a 
ceremony ; if it be wanting, the King is yet a perfect 
monarch notwithstanding, and Gods anointed, as well 
as if he was inoiled." Then follows his account of the 
King's duty ; after which he goes on, " Being bound 
by my function to lay these things before your royal 
highoess, yet I openly declare, before the living God, 
and before these nobles of the land, that I have no 
commission to denounce your majesty deprived, if your 
highness miss in part, or in whole, of these per- 

This speech had such an effect on the young King, that 
a royal visitation was resolved on, to rectify the disorders 
of the Church, and reform religion. The visitors had six 
circuits assigned them ; and every division had a preacher, 
whose business it was to bring off the people from super- 
stition, and dispose them for the intended alterations. 
And to make the impressions of their doctrine more last- 
ing, the Archbishop thought it highly expedient to have 
some homilies composed, which should, in a plain me- 
thod, teach the grounds and foundation of true religion* 


and correct the prevailing errors and superstitions. On 
this head he consulted the Bishop of Winchester, and 
desired his concurrence, but to no purpose ; for Gardiner, 
forgetting his professions of all future obedience to the 
Archbishop, wrote to the protector to put a stop to the 
Reformation in its birth. When Cranmer perceived that 
Gardiner was obstinate, he went on without him, and set 
forth the first Book of Homilies, in which himself had the 
chief hand. Soon afterwards Erasmus' Paraphrase on the 
New Testament was translated, and placed in every 
church, for the instruction of the people. 

Although the Romish party had been in power during 
the latter part of King Henry's reign, yet Cranmer had 
prepared the w^ay for a further reformation of our Church 
with skill and judgment. This became apparent in the 
convocation, which was holden on the 5th of November, 
1547. The Dean of Lincoln was chosen prolocutor of the 
lower house, in the province of Canterbury, and presented 
to the Archbishop and Bishops. In his opening address, 
Cranmer recommended that the reformation should be 
carried forward, and that the clergy should keep close by 
the Holy Scriptures. Petitions were presented by the 
prolocutor to the Archbishop, of which one was that provi- 
sion should be made for the examination of the ecclesias- 
tical law, according to the act of the late King to that 
effect. Another was somewhat singular, for it was a 
prayer that the lower clergy might be united to the house 
of commons. There was also another, praying that the 
works of the Bishops and others, who, by order of convo- 
cation, had laboured in examining, reforming, and pub- 
lishing, the Divine Service, might be produced and laid 
before the lower house. It is evident that the arrange- 
ment of the liturgy had already been commenced by the 
Bishops. In their fifth session, an ordinance was read 
in the lower house, which had been communicated by the 
Archbishop, relative to the communion in both kinds. 
The prolocutor and other members signed the document : 

2d 2 


and in the next session the proposal was adopted. In the 
eighth session the question of the celibacy of the clergy 
was introduced, and proceeding to a vote, fifty- three voted 
for the repeal of all the prohibitory enactments, while 
twenty-two were opposed to anj' change whatever. 

The convocation having declared in favour of the com- 
munion in both kinds, an act of parliament was soon 
passed authorizing the changing of the mass into a com- 
munion, and ordering that the cup should be administered 
to the laity. An Order of Communion was accordingly 
drawn up by a committee of Bishops and divines. Pre- 
vious, however, to the publication of the book, a series of 
questions was proposed relative to this sacrament. Both 
questions and answers maybe seen in Burnet and Collier. 
The book was published a. d. 1548. This was the first 
step taken in this reign in the reformation of the public 

It was a little before this, about the year 1546, that 
Dr. Ridley, by reading the work of Bertram — (see his 
Life) — concerning the Body and Blood of Christ, had 
been led to examine closely the prevailing opinion of the 
Corporeal Presence ; where, having found it much opposed 
in the ninth century, especially by this learned writer, 
he communicated the result of it to Dr. Cranmer, and 
henceforward they both pursued the subject with more 
than ordinary care. How diligently Cranmer studied the 
subject is apparent from the works he published in con- 
troversy with Gardiner in the year 1550. The chief work, 
indeed, of the Archbishop, designed for publication, is the 
one then published under the title of "A Defence of the 
true and Catholic Doctrine of the Sacrament of the Body 
and Blood of our Saviour Christ, with a confutation of 
sundry errors concerning the same." 

The Archbishop's work had no sooner appeared than it 
was attacked both by Bishop Gardiner and Dr. Smyth, 
then residing at Louvain. The treatise first mentioned 
attracted a considerable degree of notice, and Cranmer 


lost no time in preparing an answer to it ; noticing in his 
way such of Smyth's arguments as appeared of any im- 
portance. This rejoinder was pubhshed in the autumn 
of 1551, under the title of " An Answer, by the Reverend 
Father in God, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, unto 
a crafty and sophistical Cavillation, devised by Stephen 
Gardiner, Doctor of Law, late Bishop of Winchester, 
against the true and godly doctrine of the most holy 
Sacrament, of the Body and Blood of our Saviour, Jesu 
Christ. Wherein is also, as Occasion serveth, answered 
such Places of the Book of Doctor Richard Smyth, as may 
seem any thing worthy of the answering." Nothing could 
be more fair or fearless than the course adopted by 
Cranmer in this controversy, for he printed in his own 
work the whole of Gardiner's tract, commenting upon it 
piece by piece. At the end of the volume, he placed an 
answer to Smyth's preface, and some tables, bringing into 
a single point of view the inaccuracies, inconsistencies, 
errors and absurdities into which Gardiner had fallen. 
That prelate defended his production in a piece published 
in Latin, at Paris, in 1552, under the name of Marcus 
Antonius Constantius, a divine of Louvain. To this 
rejoinder Cranmer was anxious to reply, and he had, pre- 
viously to his death, composed three books in confutation 
of it. Of these, the two first perished in Oxford ; of the 
third nothing farther is known, than that it fell into the 
hands of Foxe. 

Of this work, the Archbishop spoke thus, in the solemn 
appeal he made from the pope to the next general 
council : 

" Touching my doctrine of the Sacrament, and other 
ray doctrine, of what kind soever it be, I protest that it 
was never my mind to write, speak, or understand any 
thing contrary to the most holy Word of God, or else 
against the holy Catholic Church of Christ, but purely and 
simply to imitate and teach those things only, which I had 
learned of the sacred Scripture, and of the holy Catholic 


Church of Christ from the beginning, and also according 
to the exposition of the most holy and learned fathers and 
martyrs of the church. 

" And if any thing hath perad venture chanced other- 
wise than I thought, I may err : but heretic I cannot be, 
forasmuch as I am ready in all things to follow the judg- 
ment of the most sacred Word of God, and of the holy 
Catholic Church, desiring none other thing, than meekly 
and gently to be taught, if anywhere (which God forbid) I 
have swerved from the truth. 

"And I profess and openly confess, that in all my 
doctrine and preaching, both of the Sacrament, and of 
other my doctrine whatsoever it be, not only I mean and 
judge those things, as the Catholic Church and the most 
holy fathers of old with one accord have meant and 
judged, but also I would gladly use the same words that 
they used, and not use any other words, but to set my 
hand to all and singular their speeches, phrases, ways, 
and forms of speech, which they do use in their treatises 
upon the Sacrament, and to keep still their interpretation. 
But in this thing I only am accused for a heretic, because 
I allow not the doctrine lately brought in, of the Sacra- 
ment, and because I consent not to words not accustomed 
in Scripture and unknown to the ancient fathers, but 
newly invented and brought in by men, and belonging to 
the destruction of souls, and overthrow of the old and 
pure religion." 

We must now return to the year 1547, when Cranmer, 
to his disgrace, was mainly instrumental in introducing a 
bill which withdrew from four deans and chapters the elec- 
tion of bishops, and admitted the prelates to their sees by 
the letters patent of the crown, and which declared all 
jurisdiction, both spiritual and temporal, to be derived from 
the King, in whose name, therefore, all episcopal citations 
and processes should now run, with whose arms, instead 
of their own, their official documents should be sealed. 
This iniquitous act was repealed in the reign of Mary, 


when the Bishops of our Church again acted under their 
own names and seals; and ever since the reign of Queen 
Mary our bishops have continued to do so. 

He was more honourably employed soon after in re- 
sisting the further spoliation of the Church, which some 
of his brother reformers designed and attempted : one 
great object of Somerset's administration was to secularize 
that portion of the monastic and collegiate property which 
had escaped the rapacity of Cromwell, and in the j&rst ses- 
sion of the parliament he introduced a bill for giving all 
chantries to the King. 

The bill was resisted in the house of lords, both by the 
reforming and the Romish prelates, and Cranmer opposed 
it in a speech of great '.length. After having depicted the 
impoverished state of the clergy by the sale of the appro- 
priated tithes, which, instead of being divided among the 
laity, ought injustice to have been restored to the Church, 
he insisted that the. present measure at least ought to be 
delayed until the King arrived at full age. By this neces- 
sary delay the reason assigned for the dissolution of the 
chantries was more likely to be answered ; their estates 
would then be applied to the improvement of the royal 
revenues ; but, during the King's minority, their pro- 
perty would be alienated and wasted ; and if the measure 
were deferred, he was convinced that the piety of the 
young prince would lead him to bestow their revenues on 
the parochial clergy. 

These arguments of the primate were seconded by the 
Romish prelates ; for these chantries contributed to sup- 
port their favourite doctrines of purgatory and masses 
for the dead. But the private interests of the protector 
and his dependants carried the bill through the house, 
notwithstanding the opposition of the Archbishop and 
seven other bishops. 

In the house of commons, the opposition was equally 
strong, and, as it proceeded not from religious motives, 
was in part successful. Some of the burgesses repre- 


sented, that the boroughs for which they served could not 
support their churches and other public institutions, if 
the revenues of the chantries were given to the King. 
The burgesses of Lynn and Coventry distinguished them- 
selves on this occasion, and their arguments had due 
weight on the house. The assent of the commons could 
not be obtained without a private assurance that the guild 
lands, and other property of corporate bodies, should be 
restored, though guild lands as well as chantries were 
included in the statute. There was also a provision in 
the statute, that the revenues of the dissolved chantries 
should be converted to the maintenance of grammar 
schools and the increase of vicarages. 

It is much to be lamented that other burgesses did not 
contend for their rights as the men of Coventry did. 
Trinity Church, Coventry, still possesses the property 
thus secured to it ; and, under the able management of 
the present vestry, it is used not only to supply the place 
of church-rates, but to render that noble church what it 
ought to be. The author may be permitted thus to offer 
in a parenthesis this mark of respect to a body with whom 
he was for a long period connected, and to a parish which 
he must always regard with affection. 

We have already alluded to the publication of an Office 
for the Holy Communion. The next work published was 
a Catechism, by Justus Jonas, translated either by Cran- 
mer himself, or by some one acting under his direction. 
In this catechism, the two first commandments are con- 
solidated, yet with an acknowledgment that they were 
anciently divided ; but the use of images is strongly 
censured, as leading to the imputation, if not to the 
practice, of idolatry. Besides the two sacraments of 
baptism and the Lord's supper, a third is asserted, the 
power of reconciling sinners to God. The divine insti- 
tution of bishops and priests is fully recognised, and the 
necessity of reviving the primitive discipline is strongly 


And now came on the great and blessed work of the 
reformation of our formularies ; a committee of bishops and 
divines was appointed to revise the entire services of our 
Church. As a necessary preparation for their intended 
work, they diligently collected the different liturgies used 
throughout England, of which there was no small variety. 
In the south of England, the use of Sarum was generally 
followed ; in the north, the offices were modelled according 
to the practice of the metropolitan church of the province, 
York ; while the cathedral of Lincoln prescribed the rule 
for the middle diocesses. In South Wales, the customs 
of Saint David's were followed, and in North Wales those 
of Hereford or Bangor. There were few dioceses which 
had not peculiarities in their ritual ; since any prelate, 
famed for sanctity of life or for miraculous works, was not 
only canonized, but imitated in his forms of devotion : the 
collects and hymns which he had composed or used were 
retained after his death in his own cathedral. Every 
religious order had also its peculiar rites, and its peculiar 
holydays. The administration of the public offices was 
an art not to be learned without long study, and it con- 
stituted the chief learning of the priesthood. The super- 
stitious customs prescribed by these offices were of an 
infinite variety, and they frequently resembled the rites of 

The first business of the reformers was to simplify all 
these things, to reduce all the uses to one, and to have all 
the offices translated. The result of their labours was, 
the Prayer Book, substantially the same as that which we 
now possess, as finally reformed and established in the 
reign of Charles 11. The differences between the first 
reformed Prayer Book of Edward and ours, are these : 
his Prayer Book commenced with the Lord's Prayer. 
The psalter was appointed to be read through monthly in 
portions, and the lessons, with a little variation, are in the 
same order as is still in use. A litany was also compose4 
from the most ancient liturgies, consisting of short peti- 


tions, interrupted by responses ; but the invocations of 
saints and martyrs, used by the church of Rome, were 
omitted, and suppHcations were addressed only to the 
three persons of the Blessed Trinity, first severally, and 
then jointly. 

The communion service, which, in the preceding year, 
had been set forth separately, was retained with a few 
alterations. After the consecration all elevation was for- 
bidden, but the people were commanded to kneel when 
they communicated. The doctrine of the coi-poral presence 
was still under consideration, and therefore the scriptural 
expressions, that the Body and Blood of Christ w^ere 
received in the Lord's Supper by the faithful, were retain- 
ed. The prayer of consecration was the same with ^that 
now in use, with this addition : " With Thy Holy Spirit 
vouchsafe to bless and sanctify these Thy gifts and 
creatures of bread and wine, that they may be unto us the 
Body and Blood of Thy most dearly beloved Son." 

In the occasional offices many ceremonies were observed, 
which have been since abolished as being of a supersti- 
tious tendency. Besides the use of the cross in baptism, 
there was at the same time an adjuration of the devil to 
go out of the baptized person, and to come into him no 
more. A chrysome, or white vestment, was put on the 
newly baptized person, as a token of innocence, and he 
was anointed on the head by the priest, who accompanied 
the ceremony with a prayer for the unction of the Holy 
Ghost. The catechism was the same as at present, except 
an addition on the two sacraments, and it was repeated by 
the catechumens when they were confirmed. The sign of 
the cross was made on the forehead of each person con- 
firmed, in addition to the imposition of hands ; and, in 
the office of matrimony, the priest, when he gave the bene- 
diction, made the sign of the cross on the forehead of the 
newly married persons. 

In the visitation of the sick, those who desired to be 
anointed might have the unction on their forehead or 


breast only, with a prayer that, as tbeir bodies were out- 
wardly anointed with oil, so they might receive the Holy 
Ghost with health, and victory over sin and death. At 
funerals the departed soul was recommended to the mercy 
of God, with a prayer that its sins might be pardoned, 
and that the body might be raised and glorified at the 
last day. 

When the liturgy had been completed by the com- 
mittee, it was revised and approved by the two convo- 
cations of Canterbury and York, or rather by a majority 
of these bodies, and was then submitted to the consider- 
ation of parliament. It was first brought under the 
examination of the house of commons, and received 
immediate assent ; but in the house of lords it continued 
long under deliberation. The concurrence of the lords 
was not at last obtained without a protest from the Earl of 
Derby, the Lords Dacres and Windsor, with the Bishops 
of London, Durham, Norwich, Carlisle, Hereford, Wor- 
cester, Westminster, and Chichester, thre^ of whom had 
belonged to the committee. 

A statute was then passed for the use of the new liturgy 
book throughout the kingdom, and was entitled " An act 
for the uniformity of divine semce." The variety in the 
forms of public worship, and the consequent irregularities, 
were described, but the King had refrained from punishing 
such disorders, believing that their authors were actuated 
by an honest zeal. For their more effectual remedy, he 
had appointed the Archbishop of Canterbury, and other 
bishops and divines, to draw up an office for all the parts 
of divine service. He had enjoined those whom he had 
selected for the work to have a regard " to the direction of 
the Holy Scriptures, and the usages of the primitive 
Church." This work was now finished by the persons 
appointed, with one uniform agreement, " by the aid of 
the Holy Ghost." 

The enactments against such of the clergy as officiated 
*' in any manner different from the rubric" prescribed by 

VOL. IT. 3 B 


the new liturgy were, a fine for the first offence, and 
imprisonment for life, with forfeiture of goods, for a 
contumacious refusal. A clause provided that, " for the 
encouragement of learning," the universities might use a 
Latin, Greek, or HeV)rew translation, of any part of the 
service-book, the communion office only excepted. 

It will be seen that what the Reformers did was simply 
this. — 1. To translate the services. 2. To appoint Scrip- 
ture to be read instead of legends. 3. To dispose the 
Creed more properly. 4. To have the Lord's Prayer re- 
peated aloud instead of secretly. 5. To omit the Ave 
Maria and the Commemoration of the Virgin. 6. To 
reject unfortunately the metrical Latin hymns without 
supplying their place. 7. To omit prayers for the dead, 
and invocation of saints. 

Thus, as Bishop Hall remarks, the English Prayer 
Book was not taken out of the mass, but the mass was 
thrust out of the Prayer Book. 

By the reforming party the service thus translated and 
re-arranged was received with much joy; but the Romish 
party in our Church received it of course' with regret. 
Disturbances took place in Cornwall, and these were made 
a pretext for proceeding against Bonner, Bishop of Lou- 
don, (See his Life J who was the leader of the discontented 
party. That Bonner could not with safety be permitted 
to remain at large, is clear. Nevertheless the process of 
his deprivation, and his subsequent imprisonment, were 
acts of injustice ; only one must always remember his 
own conduct when in power ; he not only deprived and 
imprisoned his opponents, but also burned them, and 
that too after having subjected them sometimes to pe]-- 
sonal insults heaped on them by himself, in a manner 
which betrayed the brutality of his mind. 

The Archbishop is justly censured for uncanonicahy 
signing the death warrant of the Lord Admiral Seymour, 
tb»)ugh perhaps something more may be said in his favour 
in {]](' ca^se of Jane Bocher. He acted aijainst the law 

CRANMER. '^79 

which prohibits the interference of bishops in a cause of 
blood in the case of Seymour, he merely pleaded for the 
execution of the law, though a bloody and cruel one, in that 
of Jane Bocher. In the first instance he weakly yielded 
to courtly influence and his desire to please the protector ; 
in the latter he yielded as weakly to public opinion. This 
unhappy woman was condemned for holding that Christ 
was not incarnate of the Virgin Mary. For this heresy, 
which she refused to renounce, she was by the law liable 
to the penalty of death. We know how strongly men argued 
not many j-ears ago for inflicting this penalty on all who 
committed forgery, — the general interests of a commercial 
country would be injured, it was contended, if this law 
w^ere relaxed. So now we may imagine Cranmer arguing, 
that the general interests of religion would be relaxed 
unless such blasphemies were restrained by the severest 
penalties. And what was the argument of the Romish 
party ? Just as in these days men tell us that if we hold 
Church principles they w^ill end in popery, and triumph 
when a convert to popery is made ; so, by the Romish 
party in our Church, at the period under consideration, 
the Reformers were constantly twitted with the blasphe- 
mies to which, as in the case of Anabaptists, reforming 
doctrines tended. Cranmer, though a pious, merciful, and 
kind-hearted man, was a very weak one, and might feel 
that to vindicate the Reformation, a public example ought 
to be made, and therefore he used all his influence with 
the young King to sign the death warrant. The unsophis- 
ticated mind of the King perceived that the originators of 
a movement, ought to view with every merciful allowance, 
those who have fallen into error, merely by pushing to an 
extreme, a principle which has been generally encouraged. 
In the next year Van Paies, a Dutchman, suffered for 
denying the divinity of Christ. 

At this time the Archbishop unfortunately surrounded 
himself with several foreign divines who, though learned 
men, were prejudiced against all church principles, and by 


them the vaccilating mind of his grace was unduly inflamed. 
He had become discontented with his former labours 
as regarded the service-book, and in 1550, we find the 
question of a review of the service-book entertained. 
Subsequently to the publication of the Book of 1549, the 
same committee drew up a form for the ordering of 
bishops, priests, and deacons, and this ordinal was added 
to the Prayer Book, published in 1552, in a revised form. 
In this book of Edward the Vlth, as it is called, the 
general confession and absolution were added at the begin- 
nings of both the morning and the evening services. At 
the opening of the Communion-office were placed the Ten 
Commandments ; a judicious addition to the service which 
appears to have escaped the compilers of every liturgy but 
our own. In confirmation, the use of oil, and the sign of 
the cross were to be laid aside. In visiting the sick, an 
option was no longer allowed as to the employment of 
extreme unction. Prayers for the dead were wholly omit- 
ted, as were also some passages provided for the consecra- 
tion of the Eucharist, and the introits, or introductory 
psalms, in that service. A rubric was added explanatory 
of the kneeling required of those who receive the Lord s 
Supper. This posture was said to be enjoined to shew the 
communicant's humility, not as a mark of adoration ta 
Christ, as if corporally present : " for the sacramental 
Bread and Wine remain still in their very natural sub- 
stances, and therefore may not be adored, (for that were 
idolatry to be abhorred of all faithful Christians,) and the 
natural Body and Blood of our Saviour Christ are in 
heaven, and not here; it being against the truth of 
Christ's natuml Body, to be at one time in more places 
than in one." All appearance of a leaning towards tran- 
substantiation was now avoided also by substituting the 
latter clauses as they now stand in the officiating minister's 
address to each communicant, for the former clauses, 
which alone were enjoined in the first service-book. The 
use of circular wafers was likewise interdicted, and the 

CRANMER. 0.^1 

sacramental bread was merely to be the same that is 
ordinarily seen at table, but it was to be made "of the 
best and purest wheat that conveniently may be gotten." 
In baptism, besides the unction, were omitted the sign of 
a cross upon the child's breast, the exorcism, the chrisom, 
the two last interrogatories, and the trine immersion. In 
the matrimonial office, was omitted the delivery of gold or 
silver, as tokens of spousage ; in that for the churching of 
women, the individual's offering of her chrisom ; in those 
for the sick, all mention of private confessions, and of 
reserving portions of the sacramental elements for such 
persons, incapable of attending at church, as might desire 
to communicate on days in which the Eucharist should be 
publicly administered. 

In 1552, forty-two articles of religion, the basis of the 
thirty-nine, were submitted by the Archbishop to convo- 
cation, and were ratified and confirmed. They were 
subscribed by both houses. The catechism, usually known 
as King Edward's, of which Poynet, Bishop of Winches- 
ter, was the author, was also set forth by this convocation. 
A code of ecclesiastical law had long engaged the atten- 
tion of Cranmer, and he had laboured to accomplish his 
design at the commencement of his primacy. In that 
statute, which recited the submission of the clergy, a 
reforai of the whole body of the canon law was provided, 
and even in the reign of Henry a commission had been 
appointed, in pursuance of the statute, and some progress 
had been made in the undertaking. After the statute of 
the six articles, the work was suspended, but not formally 
abandoned ; for Cranmer often urged its necessity, and 
made an extract of certain passages from the pontifical 
code to convince Henry that it ought not to be studied 
any longer in England. 

At the beginning of Edward's reign, a couimission 
was appointed consisting of thirty-two persons, and three 
years were allowed for the accomplishment of the work. 
But it was still retarded by various impediments, until at 



length, to facilitate its execution, a sub-committee was 
chosen of eight, who were to prepare the code for the 
revisal of the thirty-two commissioners. The sub-com- 
mittee, like the body whence it was elected, was divided 
into four classes, bishops, divines, canonists, and com- 
mon lawyers. From the finished state of the " Refor- 
matio Legum," it was probable that the labours of 
the sub-committee had been reviewed and approved of 
by the commissioners : it was ready to be submitted 
to the King ; but, before it could receive the royal 
confirmation, the King died, and the project died with 

Still Cranmer's " Reformatio Legum," though not re- 
ceived by our Church, is a work of interest. By it we 
perceive that King Edward's reformers would have de- 
creed the penalty of death against such as should deny 
the Christian religion ; whether the same punishment 
was intended against heretics is a subject of dispute. 
The heretic certainly was to be sent to the civil magis- 
trate to be punished. In cathedrals and colleges daily 
prayers and weekly communions were enjoined ; in parish 
churches a sermon in the morning, and catechising in the 

" On a review of the Reformation," says Mr. Carwithen, 
" the conclusion must be drawn, that the reformed code 
had incorporated a large portion of the substance, and had 
imbibed a larger portion of the spirit, of the pontifical 
law. Another conclusion must not be suppressed, that 
the reformers did not entertain those latitudinarian 
notions of a Christian Church which they have been com- 
monly supposed to entertain. Erastus, a German divine- 
had about this time promulgated the doctrine that Christ 
and His Apostles had prescribed no particular form of 
church government, and that the Christian ministry was 
not of divine institution. He maintained that the autho- 
rity of a Christian minister was derived solely from the 
civil magistrate — that the ministerial office was merely 


suasory, and that coercion was not within its province ; 
in fact, Erastus formally renounced the power of the keys. 
Cranmer was at one time of his life suspected of inclining 
to these opinions, but he must have renounced therii 
before this period. The authors of the ' Reformatio 
Legum' were not Erastians." 

In 15513, the King's health was such that his life was 
despaired of : and the courtiers of the reforming party, 
dreading the succession of Mary, attempted to do evil that 
good might come, and persuaded the royal youth to set 
aside his sister, and to declare the Lady Jane Grey suc- 
cessor to his throne ; she was grand-daughter to Mary, 
sister of Henry VIII. The guilt of these statesmen was 
the greater, as they had all sworn to preserve the order of 
succession as directed by the will of Henry. Cranmer 
argued strongly and repeatedly against the proposed mea- 
sure. But with his usual weakness of character induc- 
ing him to act with those who surrounded him, poor 
Cranmer, although he knew what was right, at length 
yielded to do what was wrong. Forgetful of his bene- 
factor, Henry, regardless of his oath, he yielded a reluctant 
assent to the traitorous proposal, and, at the earnest re- 
quest of the dying boy, he set his hand to his will. The 
young King died on the 6th of July. 

For eleven days Lady Jane Grey was Queen. On the 
accession of Mary, the rightful heir, x\rchbishop Cranmer 
was accounted a traitor ; and while we make every allow- 
ance for his weakness, we must not be surprised that 
Mary only regarded him as a weak man, who feared to 
act up to his principles, when he made his humble 
apology for the course he had taken. 

The Romish party in the Church of England were now 
in power, and mercilessly did they use it. Such were, 
indeed, the cruelties of the Romanists, that since the 
reign of Mary, they have never acquired the ascendancy 
in the Cathohc Church of this country, but have been 
obliged to form a dissenting sect. 


On Queen Mary's arrival in London, Cranmer was 
placed under restraint. His resolution was nobly taken, 
when it was proposed to him to withdraw clandestinely 
from the country: *' Were I likely," he said, "to be called 
in question for treason, robbery, or any other crime, I 
should be much more likely to abscond than I am at 
present. As it is, the post that I hold, and tbe part that 
I have taken, require me to make a stand for the truths 
of Holy Scripture. I shall, therefore, undergo with con- 
stancy the loss of life, rather than remove secretly from 
the realm." This virtuous resolve having been formed, he 
prepared for the worst by an exact adjustment of his 
affairs. Every claim against him was fully satisfied ; and 
thus when deprived of his resources, it was found that he 
had not a single creditor. This final arrangement of his 
pecuniary concerns was a great relief to his mind, " Thank 
God," he piously said, " I am now mine own man. I 
can now conscientiously, with God's help, answer all the 
world, and face any adversities which may be laid upon 

Cranmer was abruptly drawn from his temporary seclu- 
sion by that spirit of detraction which had industriously 
pursued him during the whole course of his public life. 
It had been reported, soon after Mary's triumph over the 
opposition to her claim, that, anxious to gain favour with 
the successful party, he had offered to celebrate King 
Edward's obsequies by officiating in a mass of Requiem. 
The event quickly shewed this to be an impudent fiction ; 
but rumours of a similar kind remained afloat. At length 
it became notorious, that mass had been restored in the 
cathedral of Canterbury, and this fact was urged as an 
irrefragable proof of the primate's time-serving disposi- 
tion. The truth, however, is, that this illegal act had 
proceeded from the orders of Dr. Thornden, the per- 
fidious and ungrateful monk, who had abused so shame- 
fully Cranmer's confidence and liberality several years 


Nothing annoys a public man so much, as the lies by 
which the envious and malignant do the work of Satan. 
Personal attacks are bearable, but gratuitous lies could 
provoke even so meek a man as Cranmer. His declara- 
tion, in consequence of the false rumours which were cir- 
culated, is as follows : 

" As the devil, Christ's ancient adversary, is a liar and 
the father of lies, even so hath he stirred up his servants 
and members to persecute Christ and His tme word and 
religion with lying; which he ceaseth not to do most 
earnestly at this present time. For whereas the Prince of 
most famous memory. King Henry VIII., seeing the great 
abuses of the I.atin mass, reformed some things therein 
in his life-time, and after our late sovereign Lord, King 
Edward VI., took the same wholly away for the great and 
manifold errors and abuses of the same, and restored in 
the place thereof Christ's Holy Supper, according to 
Christ's own institution, and as the Apostles used the 
same in the primitive Church : the devil goeth about now 
with lying to overthrow the Lord's Supper, again, and to 
restore his Latin satisfactory mass, a thing of his own 
invention and device. And to bring the same more easily 
to pass, some have abused the name of me, Thomas, 
Archbishop of Canterbury, bruiting abroad that I have 
set up the mass again at Canterbury, and that I offered 
to say mass at the burial of our late sovereign Lord, King 
Edward VI., and that I offered to say mass before the 
Queen's highness, and at Paul's church, and I wot not 
where. And although I have been well exercised these 
twenty years to suffer and bear evil reports and lies, and 
have not been much grieved thereat, but have borne all 
things quietly, yet when untrue reports and lies turn to 
the hindrance of God's truth, they are in no wise to be 
suffered. Wherefore these be to signify unto the world, 
that it was not I that did set up the mass at Canterbury, 
but it was a false, flattering, lying and dissembling monk, 
which caused mass to be set up there without mine advice 


oi- counsel : Reddat illi Domlnus in die illo. And as for 
offering myself to say mass before the Queen's highness, 
or in any other place, I never did it as her grace well 
knoweth. But if her grace will give me leave, I shall be 
ready to prove against all that will say to the contrary, 
that all that is contained in the Holy Communion, set 
out by the most innocent and godly prince, King Edward 
VI., in his high court of parliament, is conformable to 
that order which our Saviour Christ did both observe and 
command to be observed, and which His Apostles and the 
primitive Church used many years. Whereas the mass 
in many things not only hath no foundation of Christ, 
His Apostles, nor the primitive Church, but is manifestly 
contrary to the same, and containeth many horrible 
abuses in it. And although many, either unlearned or 
malicious, do report that M. Peter Martyr is unlearned, 
yet if the Queen's highoess will grant thereunto, I, with 
the said M. Peter Martyr, and other four or five which I 
shall choose, will by God's grace, take upon us to defend, 
not only the common prayers of the Church, the ministra- 
tion of the Sacraments, and other rites and ceremonies, 
but also all the doctrine and religion set out by our said 
sovereign Lord King Edward VI., to be more pure and 
according to God's Word, than any other that hath been 
used in England these thousand years : so that God's 
Word may be judge, and that the reasons and proofs on 
both parties may be set out in writing, to the intent, 
as well that all the world may examine and judge thereon, 
as that no man shall start back from his writing. And 
where they boast of the faith that hath been in the church 
these fifteen hundred years, we will join them in this 
point and that the same doctrine and usage is to be 
followed which was in the church fifteen hundred years 
past, and we shall prove that the order of the Church, 
set out at present in this realm by act of parliament, 
is the same that was used in the church fifteen hun- 
dred years past, and so shall they never be able to prove 


Cranmer's enemies, thougli determined on his death, 
found it difficult to deal with him as they wished. If he 
were tried for high treason, some awkward revelations 
might be made respecting persons then in favour. He 
had moreover various claims upon the royal clemency. 
But this declaration, though not intended for publication, 
having been freely circulated, offered them a pretext for 
treating him with severity. It was deemed " convenient"' 
by the Queen's council, to commit him to the Tower, 
'' as well for the treason committed by him against the 
Queen's majesty, as for the aggravating the same his 
offence, by spreading about seditious bills, moving tumults 
and disquieting the present state," 

In the middle of November, Archbishop Cranmer was 
attainted by the parliament, and adjudged guilty of high- 
treason, at Guildhall. His see was hereupon declared 
void; and on the 10th of December, the dean and chap- 
ter of Canterbury gave commissions to several persons, to 
exercise archi-episcopal jurisdiction, in their name, and 
by their authority. The archbishop wrote a very submis- 
sive letter to the Queen, in the most humble manner 
acknowledging his fault in consenting to sign the King s 
will ; acquainting her what pressing instances he made to 
the King against it ; and excusing his fault by his being 
over-ruled by the authority of the judges and lawyers, 
who, he thought, understood the constitution better than 
he did himsel". The Queen had pardoned so many 
already, who were far more deeply engaged in the Lady 
Jane's usurpation, that Cranmer could not for shame be 
denied; so he was forgiven the treason; but orders were 
given to proceed against him for heresy. 

The Tower being full of prisoners. Archbishop Cranmer, 
Bishop Ridley, Latimer, and Bradford, were all put into 
one chamber, which they w^ere so far from thinking an in- 
C!)nvenience, that on the contrary, they blessed (jod for 
the opportunity of conversing together, reading and com- 
l)aring the Scriptures, confirming themselves in the true 


faith, and mutually exhorting each other to constancy in 
professing it, and patience in suffering for it. 

In April, 1554, the Archbishop, with Bishop Ridley, 
and Bishop Latimer, were removed from the Tower to 
Windsor, and from thence to Oxford, to dispute with 
some select persons of both universities. 

In the meantime the convocation had been holden . 
and partly because it was carefully packed, partly from the 
reaction in men's minds occasioned by the excesses of the 
reforming party in the reign of Edward VI., almost all 
that had been done in the preceding convocations w^as 
reversed. But there was a small body of good men and 
true headed by Philpot, w4io defended the reformation, 
and a discussion on the Holy Sacrament ensued w^hich 
lasted for six days, when the debate ended amidst great 
confusion in the lower house, Weston the prolocutor 
exclaiming, "It is not the Queen's pleasure that we 
should spend any longer time in these debates, and ye 
are well enough already, for ye have the word, and we have 
the sword." 

The report of these proceedings did so much damage to 
the Romish cause from their manifest unfairness, that it 
was determined to have another discussion at which the 
Archbishop, and Bishops Ridley and Latimer, might be 
present. Oxford was the place appointed, to which uni- 
versity the Archbishop and his fellow prisoners, as has 
been before stated, were already removed. The Queen 
sent her precept to bring the three prisoners into the 
schools at the times appointed for disputation. 

The articles, or questions of disputation, were three : 
1. Whether the natural body of Christ be really in the 
sacrament or not, after the words of consecration are spoken 
by the priest ? Q. Whether in the sacrament, after the 
words of consecration, any other substance remains, ex- 
cept the Body and Blood of Christ? 3. Whether in the 
mass there is a propitiatory sacrijSce for the sins of the 
living and the dead ? 


The proceedings were opened with great state and 
solemnity, and, as a preliminary step, the questions being 
reduced into the form of articles, were subscribed by all 
the members of the committee who had not before sub- 
scribed them, either at London or Cambridge. The com- 
missioners held their first session in the choir of St. Mary's 
Church, and were seated before the altar, '* to the number 
of thirty- three persons," Weston, the prolocutor of the 
convocation, being the president. Cranmer was the first 
of the prisoners introduced into this assembly, in custody 
of the mayor, and in the habit of a doctor. He stood 
before the commissioners with his staff in his hand, and 
declined to accept the seat which was ojBfered to him. The 
prolocutor, stationed in the midst of the assembly, began 
with a short preface or speech in praise of Christian unity, 
and then directed his discourse to Cranmer. He stated, 
that the prisoner had been educated in the true Catholic 
faith, but that of late years he had separated himself 
from it, by teaching erroneous doctrines, and by setting 
forth every year a new system. For this reason, the 
Queen had sent himself and his colleagues, to bring back 
the heretic to the fold of Christ. Weston then exhibited 
the three articles which had been already subscribed by 
the convocation, to which he demanded the assent and 
subscription of Cranmer. 

The Archbishop replied to this address with a gravity 
and persuasive modesty which drew tears from many in 
the assembly. He observed, that no man was so desirous 
of unity as himself; but it must be an unity in Christ, 
and founded in the truth. Having read the articles three 
or four times, he desired an explanation of a term in the 
first article, what was meant by "the true and natural 
body of Christ," whether an organical or sensible body 
was intended? He was answered, though not without 
confusion and disagreement among the different speakers, 
that it meant the same body which was born of the Virgin. 
On receiving this answer, he said that he was prepared to 

VOL. IV. 3f 

290 CRxlNMER. 

maintain the negative of all the questions, that they were 
false and against God's holy word, and if agreement in 
them were the conditions of unity, he must reject com- 
munion. The deportment of the Archbishop was con- 
ciliatory, and gained general commendation, and he was 
dismissed, after a day had been assigned to him for 

Ridley and Latimer were next brought in. — (See their 
Lives.) — The disputation took place at the time appointed, 
and was continued on three successive days. Cranmer 
had the precedence, and on the first day was conducted 
to the respondent's seat in the divinity school, but still 
under the custody of the mayor. The prolocutor opened 
the disputation with a customary speech, but committed a 
blunder which raised the mirth of the audience. Having 
discovered his error, he corrected it, and proceeded to say 
that it was not lawful to call in question the doctrine of 
the corporeal presence, since it was taught by the express 
words of Christ Himself, and to doubt the truth of the 
Scriptures was the same as to doubt the truth and power 
of God. 

To this exordium Cranmer, having first obtained 
license, answered, that the purpose of their meeting was 
to discuss a question which was doubtful, and therefore 
a fit subject of disputation ; but the prolocutor had 
affirmed it to be a certain truth, and if so, it was an 
unfit matter of discussion. It was, therefore, contrary to 
reason to dispute concerning a question which the moder- 
ator had predetermined, and if it regarded an incon- 
trovertible truth, to expect its confutation from him was 

The disputation continued from the morning till 
past noon, but in a disorderly manner, and with many 
interruptions. It was carried on sometimes in English, 
and sometimes in Latin. Of Cranfliier's opponents, 
Yonge, the Vice-chancellor of Cambridge, was esteemed 
the most able ; but three hours had elapsed before 


the confusion permitted him to bear a part in the 

To dilate on the metaphysical arguments involved in 
the two first questions would be needless; but on the last, 
concerning the propitiatory sacrifice in the mass, Cranmer 
was fully of opinion that to hold its afiirmative was dero- 
gatory to the sacrifice on the cross. If the passion of 
Christ were sufiicient for all the purposes of redemption, 
where was the necessity of any other? The necessity 
of any succeeding supplemental oblations supposed the 
sacrifice of Christ to be defective ; and there could be 
no sacrifice under the Christian dispensation, except that 
of praise and thanksgiving, repentance, and works of 

The manner in which the disputation was termin- 
ated by the prolocutor may readily be anticipated : 
" Thus you see, brethren, the truth steadfast and in- 
vincible ; you see also the craft and deceit of heretics ; 
the truth may be pressed, but cannot be oppressed : 
therefore cry altogether, Vincit veeitas, the truth over- 


Two days after the disputation had ended, the three 
prisoners were once more brought before the delegates at 
St. Mary's church, and required to subscribe the articles. 
Weston having taunted Cranmer in particular with his 
failure in disputation, the Archbishop replied, that he was 
overborne by numbers and clamour, but that his opinion 
was unchanged, and that he persisted in his refusal to 
subscribe. Ridley and Latimer gave a similar reply, and 
then a sentence of condemnation was read, in which they 
were denounced as heretics and favourers of heresy. Being 
asked whether they would return to the bosom of the 
church, while the sentence was reading, they severally 
appealed to heaven, not doubting that, though ejected from 
the Romish church, their names were enrolled in the 
blessed society above. 

A year elapsed during which Cranmer remained a 

29.2 CRANMER. 

prisoner at Oxford ; the decision of the judges being that 
the court, by which he, and his " concaptives," had been 
condemned as heretics, had no authority to pronounce 
sentence. At length the papal authority being again 
established in England, the Bishops of Lincoln, Gloucester, 
and Bristol, having received a special commission from 
the pope, and a license from the King and Queen, repaired 
to Oxford. These prelates had authority to receive Cran- 
mer, Ridley, and Latimer into the bosom of the church, 
in case they recanted their heretical errors ; but in case of 
contumacy, had authority to degrade them from their 
spiritual functions, and to deliver them for punishment to 
the secular power. 

The Bishop of Gloucester presided in the process 
against Cranmer, acting as sub-delegate to the cardinal 
de Puteo ; but in the process against Ridley and Latimer, 
the Bishop of Lincoln presided, acting as the repre- 
sentative of Cardinal Pole. Cranmer was first cited 
to appear before the commissioners, and the place of 
their session was the choir of St. Mary's church. On 
the right hand of the president was seated Martin, 
and on his left hand Storey, two doctors of civil law, and 
attending as commissioners in behalf of the King and 

The Archbishop having been brought before the com- 
missioners, under the custody of the mayor, was cited to 
answer certain accusations of blasphemy, incontinence, 
and heresy. On his first appearance, being habited as a 
doctor in divinity, and having taken a survey of those 
who constituted his judges, he acknowledged, by outward 
marks of reverence, the commissioners of the King and 
Queen ; but on being admonished to show a similar 
mark of respect to the delegate of the pope, he answered, 
that he had taken a solemn oath never to admit the 
authority of the pope within the realm of England. 
This oath he intended, by the grace of God to keep, and 
would never consent, by any sign or token, to acknow- 


ledge the papal jurisdiction. By this refusal he disclaimed 
any personal offence to the bishop, whom he would have 
honoured as well as the others, if he had the same 

The Archbishop defended himself calmly, but firmly, 
against the charges brought against him by the president 
and others, disclaiming the authority of the pope, and the 
process was terminated by a citation of the Archbishop 
to Rome within fourscore days, to make his personal 
answers to the articles exhibited against him. The Arch- 
bishop said he would willingly go with the permission of 
the King and Queen ; but he was immediately remanded 
to his prison. 

In October, 1555, the Archbishop witnessed the mar- 
tyrdom of his holy friends Ridley and Latimer from 
the Tower of his prison, and on his knees prayed that 
the divine strength might not fail them in their last 

When the eighty days were expired, which the citation 
had allowed for the appearance of Cranmer at Rome, 
cardinal Puteo moved in consistory his accusations against 
the Archbishop of Canterbury ; in consequence of which, 
in a subsequent session of the court, he was sentenced to 
be excommunicated and deprived ; and at a third session, 
the administration of the see thus vacated was conferred 
on cardinal Pole. 

As soon as the definitive sentence was received in 
England, Cranmer was cited before certain commissioners, 
of whom the chief were Bonner, Bishop of London, and 
Thirlby, Bishop of Ely, who were invested with full powers 
to degrade him, and then to deliver him to the secular 
power. The place chosen for the execution of the defini- 
tive sentence was the choir of the cathedral of Christ 
Church in Oxford. When Cranmer was brought before 
c<.)uit, the commission was read, stating that Thomas 
Cranmer, late Archbishop of Canterbury, had been cited 
to appear at Rome ; that he had wilfully disobeyed the 

2f a 


citation ; that articles had been exhibited ; that evidence 
had been heard and examined ; that he had wanted 
nothing appertaining to his necessary defence ; and that, 
in consequence of his refusal to appear, he had been pro- 
nounced contumacious. On hearing this statement read, 
Cranmer could not forbear to exclaim, " God must needs 
punish such open and shameless lying, that I, being in 
prison, and not suffered even at home to have counsel 
or advocate, should produce vritnesses and appoint my 
counsel at Rome !" 

When the commission had been read, the court pro- 
ceeded to his degradation. He was clothed in the robes 
of an Archbishop, wth the distinguishing appendage of 
the pall, but the robes were of canvas : a mitre was placed 
on his head, and a crosier in his hand. Bonner and 
Thirlby then performed the ceremony of degradation ; the 
one wdth the most bitter invectives and savage exultation, 
the other with expressions of heartfelt sorrow. When they 
attempted to take the crosier from his hand, he held it 
fast, and refused to deliver it ; and he pulled from under 
his sleeve a paper, w^hich he presented to the commis- 
sioners, saying at the same time, ** I appeal to the next 
general council ; and herein I have comprehended my 
cause and form of it ; which appeal I desire may be ad- 
mitted.'' The appeal being handed to the commissioners, 
the Bishop of Ely said, that their commission precluded 
all appeal, and therefore none could be admitted. "Then," 
replied Cranmer, " you do me the more wrong ; for my 
case is not a common case : the matter is between the 
pope and me immediately, and none other, and no man 
ought to be a judge in his own cause." The Bishop of 
Ely then received the appeal, and promised that it should 
be admitted if possible. When they came to take off his 
pall, he said, " Which of you hath a pall, to take off 
mine ?" One of them answered that, in respect of their 
being only bishops, they were his inferiors, and therefore 
not competent to degrade him : but as they were the dele- 


gates of the pope, they had an authority above that of a 

After this pageant of degradation, Cranmer was clothed 
in a squalid garb, and consigned to the common prison, 
there to remain till the secular power executed the sen- 
tence of the ecclesiastical court. Yet, before the tragical 
catastrophe, he was appointed to sustain a trial more 
severe than any which he had yet encountered ; for it was 
a trial under which he fell. 

To the Romanists, as well as to poor Cranmer himself, 
the concluding scene of the Archbishop's life was discredi- 
table in the extreme. By the most disgraceful arts, by an 
appeal to his fears, his self-indulgence, and his weakness, 
the Romish party cajoled the Archbishop into a recanta- 
tion. Historians dispute as to the degree of his guilt, 
and the number of his recantations : it is sufficient to 
know, that by the meanest of artifices, the Romish 
party induced the Archbishop to recant, and then, with 
unparalelled baseness, led him forth to execution. Cran- 
mer, though morally weak, was not deficient in moral 
courage ; and when he found that die he must, he died 

His recantations were published, as soon as signed, by 
Bonner, with malicious eagerness and joy ; and Cole, 
Provost of Eton, (see his Life,) was sent to announce 
to him his fate, and to preach the sermon. 

Cole, having received his instructions, repaired to 
Oxford, and the day before the execution visited Cran- 
mer in his prison, to interrogate him whether he still 
continued steadfast in the catholic faith ? Cramner 
replied, that he trusted by God's grace to be daily 
more and more confirmed in that faith. On the 
morning of the execution, Cole again visited him, to 
inquire whether he had any money ? finding that he had 
none, Cole gave him fifteen crowns to distribute to 
the poor. 

No direct intimation was given to Cranmer that he 


was about to suffer; but these circumstances excited 
his suspicions, and they were confirmed by the visit 
of John de Garcina. The Spanish friar brought some 
written articles, which he desired Cranmer to sign, and 
to repeat before the people. To this request Cranmer 
acceded, but secretly deposited in his bosom another 
paper, containing a prayer, an exhortation, and a con- 
fession of faith, " such as flowed from his conscience, and 
not from his fears." 

On the 21st of March, 1566, he was led with much 
ceremony to St. Mary's church. On reaching the church- 
door the choir sang the Nunc Dimittis, and the Arch- 
bishop was led to a raised platform. His apparel was 
of the meanest description, but a long white beard ren- 
dered his aspect venerable, and on his countenance 
was plainly marked an expression of deepest sorrow. 
Having fallen on his knees, he continued for some time 
absorbed in mental prayer. The crowd around him 
wept. Cole ascended the pulpit ; — (for an account of 
his sermon see his Life.) — During its delivery the vener- 
able Archbishop expressed the deepest emotion, some- 
times lifting up his eyes to Heaven, and sometimes 
fixing them on the ground. There seems to have ex- 
isted no doubt on the mind of Cole and his party 
that the recantations of Cranmer had been made in 
sincerity. Having in his sermon declared that he must 
be executed, he called upon the people about to depart, to 
hear the confession which the dying penitent was about 
to make. 

The Archbishop rose. He took off his cap. He began 
to address the people. He first read his prayer, being a 
supplication for mercy and support in his approaching 
trial. He then admonished the hearers not to set their 
affections on the things of this world ; to obey the King 
and Queen from conscience towards God; to live in 
mutual love and charity. He then came, as he said, to 
the conclusion of his life, on which depended all his past 


life, as well as that which was to come, being now either 
to enter into the joys of heaven or to suffer the pains of 
hell. The present was no time for dissimulation, and he 
was therefore now about to make a true declaration of his 
faith. Having repeated the Apostles' creed, and professed 
his belief in the holy Scriptures, he came to a point which, 
he said, pressed on his conscience more than any other 
action of his whole life, and this was his subscription to a 
declaration contrary to truth. It was made through fear 
of death, and with the hope of saving his life ; but it was 
contrary to the thought of his heart. Now, therefore, when 
he was about to die, he utterly renounced " all such bills 
and papers" as he had written or signed since his degra- 
dation, and because his hand had offended by writing 
contrary to his heart, that hand should be signally 
punished, for when he came to the fire it should be first 
burned. The pope he rejected as antichrist, with all the 
false doctrines of popery ; and as to the sacrament, he re- 
tained the same belief as he had when he wrote his book 
against the Bishop of Winchester. The true doctrine 
would stand at the last day before the judgment of God, 
where the papistical doctrine contrary to it would be 
ashamed to show its face. 

When the audience heard this unexpected declaration, 
a general confusion took place : some began to charge him 
with his recantation, and to accuse him of falsehood, and 
admonishing him to dissemble no longer. He replied, 
that he had ever loved simplicity, and throughout his life 
had hated dissimulation. He would have gone on in his 
discourse, but was prevented by an universal clamour, 
and Cole exclaimed, " Stop the mouth of the heretic, and 
take him away !" He was then dragged from the stage 
on which he was elevated, and was led to the same spot 
where Ridley and Latimer had not long before resigned 
their lives. All the way from the church to the place 
of execution, the friars continued to utter the severest 
reproaches, and the most dreadful threats of eternal 


The venerable prelate maintained his fortitude to the 
last. He looked cheerfuHy and benignly on all around, 
shook several persons kindly by the hand, and put off his 
garments with alacrity. His venerable appearance even 
attracted the notice of his enemies. Fire being applied 
to the pile, he stretched his right hand over it, and never 
moved it, save once, when he passed it over his face, until 
it was entirely consumed, and before the fire had reached 
his body it was reduced to ashes. " This hand hath 
offended, this unworthy right hand," was his frequent 
ejaculation during his agony. His miseries were soon 
over ; and his last words were. Lord Jesus, receive my 

Such was the end of Thomas Cranmer, Lord Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, on the 21st of March, 1556, in 
his 67th year. Whether his death was or was not 
a martyrdom, like that of Eidley and Latimer, is a dis- 
puted point. To save his life he recanted ; and it was 
not till he found his recantation to have been made 
in vain, that he bore witness to his real opinions. This 
would not have been considered martyrdom in the 
primitive Church. Nevertheless his end was heroic : 
we execrate the cruelty of his persecutors ; and who does 
not sympathize with, while he censures his weakness ? 
He was, indeed, a man much to be honoured ; though 
weak, self-indulgent, and worldly, he was gentle, affec- 
tionate, kind, and devout. In many respects the Church 
of England is indebted to him; and although, when 
we approach his history, we wish that Edward the 
Sixth had possessed an ecclesiastical adviser of firmer 
principles and more decided character, we cannot but 
bear in mind, that such a character could not have 
lived through the reign of Henry the Eighth. Among 
our archbishops, if Cranmer does not rank among the 
best, or the greatest, he still holds a very high place. — 
Collier. Strype. Burnet. Todd. Dowries. Soames. Car- 
withen. Le Bos. 



John Ceellius was born in Franconia, in 1590, and 
studied at Nurenberg, and in otber German universities. 
He was educated a Lutheran, but in the exercise of his 
private judgment, thought Socinus to be more scriptural 
than Luther, and contemning all reference to antiquity, 
with the Bible, and the Bible only in his hand, he 
became a Socinian. In 1612 he went to Racow, where 
he was at first a preacher, and then Bector of the Univer- 
sity. His works form a considerable part of the works of 
the Fratres Poloni. His conduct to Grotius was very 
unjustifiable. Grotius having written against Socinus, 
Crellius endeavoured to vindicate his master, and did so 
in such terms of civility, that Grotius wrote to him two 
letters, perhaps too courteous and kind : he had not been 
accustomed to meet with kindness from his opponents, 
and his heart melted. These Crellius shewed about, 
and so caused an impression to be made on the public 
mind that the illustrious Grotius favoured Socinianism. 
Even extracts of these letters were printed. He pro- 
tested against the abuse made of them, and maintained 
that if people would candidly read his works, they would 
easily be convinced of the injustice of ranking him with 

It is certain that, notwithstanding the terms which he 
makes use of in writing to Crellius, he did not approve of 
his book : he writes thus in confidence to his brother, " I 
have read Crellius 's book : he writes with candour, and 
doth not want learning ; but I cannot see how he will pro- 
mote religion by departing from the Scripture manner of 
speaking authorised by autiquity. 

" If I have not answered Crellius," he says in another 
letter, "it was for prudential reasons, and even by the 
advice of the protestants of France, who think that the 
questions being unknown in this countiy, ought not 
to be made public by a confutation. It is easy to 

300 CRESSY. 

refute them with glory, though every one is not capable 
of it : but it is still better that they should remain un- 
known." He speaks in the same letter, of Socinus as 
a man very little versed in the sentiments of anti- 
quity, and whose errors he had confuted in many of his 

Crellius died in 1632. General Diet. Bourignys 



Hugh Paulin Cressy, a popish divine, was born at 
Wakefield in Yorkshire, in 1605, and educated at Merton 
College, Oxford, where he took his degree in arts, and 
became fellow. Having entered into orders he became 
chaplain to Lord Falkland, whom he accompanied to 
Ireland, and obtained the deanery of Leighlin, to which 
was added afterwards a canonry of Windsor. But throu^.^h 
disturbances of the times he never attained the possession 
of either of these preferments. This led him to despair 
of the fortunes of the Church of England, and being at 
Rome in 1644, in the capacity of tutor to Mr. Bertie, 
afterwards Earl of Falmouth, he apostatized to the Church 
of Rome. He next entered among the Benedictines at 
Douay, on which occasion he took the name of Serenus. 
At the Restoration he returned to England, and became 
chaplain to the Queen of Charles II. He died at East 
Grinstead, in Sussex, in 1674. 

The work on which he bestowed his chief attention was 
the Church History of Brittany, from the beginning of 
the Norman Conquest, under Roman governors, British 
kings, the English- Saxon heptarchy, the English- Saxon 
and Danish monarchy, &c., 1668, folio. Of this work 
only one volume was published ; the second, in which he 
meant to bring down the history to the dissolution of 
monasteries, was left incomplete at his death. 

CREWE. 301 


Nathaniel Crewe, the fifth son of John, Lord 
Crewe, was born at Stean, in Northamptonshire, in 1633, 
and succeeded to the title of Lord Crewe on the death of 

t his brother, in 1691. He was educated at Lincoln Col- 

^ lege, Oxford, of which he became fellow and rector. He 
was chosen proctor of the university in 1663, afterwards 
clerk of the closet to Charles II., Dean of Chichester, 
Bishop of Oxford in 1671, and three years after was 
translated to Durham. On the accession of James II. he 
was admitted of the privy council, and showed himself 
very friendly to all the measures of the court, in religion 
and in politics. He paid particular respect to the pope s 
nuncio when he came to London, and refused to introduce 
Dean Patrick to the King, because he was too zealous 
against popery. 

Bishop Crewe was also on the ecclesiastical com- 
mission before which Bishop Compton was summoned, 

^ against whom he took an active part. — (See Life of Comp- 
ton.) — He seems to have been a weak, rather than a 
wicked man; grateful to James for the favours he had 
conferred upon him, and acting as a partizan. But he 
seems himself to have become alarmed at length at the 
violence of King James's government. He withdrew from 
the King's councils, and upon the abdication he expressed 
a wish to resign his ecclesiastical dignities to Dr. Burnet, 
with an allowance of £1000 for life. He afterwards left 
his retirement, and appeared in parliament; but his name 
was excepted from the act of indemnity of 1690. His 
pardon, however, was at last procured by the intercession 
of his friends. He died in 1721. He was princely in 

'^his benefactions, particularly to Lincoln College. He 
bequeathed £200 a year to the university of Oxford for 
general purposes ; and the expense of the Encoenia is 
partly defrayed by a sum of money originally left by 
him. — Life of Lord Crewe, 1790. 
VOL. lY. 2g 



Robert Creyghton was born of an ancient family at 
Dunkeld, in Scotland, in 1593, and was educated at 
Westminster School, whence, in 1613, he was elected to 
Trinity College, Cambridge, where he was chosen Greek 
professor, and university orator. In 103:3 he was made 
treasurer of the cathedral of Wells, and was also canon 
residentiary, prebendary of Taunton, and had a living in 
Somersetshire. In the begiDning of the rebellion he 
joined the King's troops at Oxford ; but he was obliged 
afterwards to flee into Cornwall, whence he followed 
Charles II. abroad, who made him his chaplain, and 
bestowed on him the deanery of Wells. He was accounted 
a man of much learning, and in the discharge of his duty 
as a preacher, reproved the vices of the court with great 
boldness. In 1670 he was promoted to the bishopric of 
Bath and Wells. He died in 1672. His only publica- 
tion was a translation into Latin of Sylvester Syguropolus's 
History of the Council of Florence, Hague 1660, folio. — 
Salmons Lives of English Bisliops. Wood. Barwick'& 


Tobias Crisp was born in London, in 1600, and was 
educated at Eton, whence he went to Cambridge. In 
16-27 he was presented to the living of Newington Butts, 
near Southwark ; but as it was proved that he had been 
guilty of Simony, he was removed from it in the course of 
a few months. He obtained, however, which he ought 
not to have done, the rectory of Brinkworth, in Wiltshire, 
the same year. He became a puritan and a rebel. But 
among the puritans he caused a division by his furious 
manner of maintaining the doctrines of Anti-nomianism. 
He died February 27, 1642, of the small pox. After his 
death his sermons were pubhshed in 3 vols. 4to, and the 

CROFT. 803 

Westminster Assembly proposed to have them burnt; the 
assembly of puritans thus following the example of the 
pope of Rome. Flavel and other puritans were very 
vehement in taking the beam out of their brother's eye, 
and a warm controversy ensued, which was renewed with 
increased vehemence, when the sermons were republished 
about the time of the Revolution. It disturbed the har- 
mony of the weekly lecture established at Pinners Hall, 
the followers of Crisp establishing a lecture at Salters 
Hall. — Wood. Bogiie, 


Herbert Croft was born at Great Milton, Oxfordshire, 
in 1603. He was sent early to Christ Church, Oxford : 
but upon the perversion of his father to popery, he was 
removed from the university, and placed at Douay, and 
afterwards at St. Omer's. A visit to England, on family 
laifairs, introduced him to the acquaintance of Morton, 
Bishop of Durham, and Archbishop Laud. Croft is 
another instance out of the many which exist, of Arch- 
bishop Laud's zeal in converting men from Romanism ; 
through the instrumentality of these prelates, he was 
reconciled to the Church of England, and returned to 
Christ Church. He was preferred to a living in Glouces- 
tershire, and to another in Oxfordshire, and, in 1639, he 
was made prebendary of Salisbury. He was afterwards 
prebendary of Worcester, canon of Windsor, and, in 1644, 
dean of Hereford. At the Restoration he was raised to 
the see of Hereford, in 1661, which he refused to quit for 
higher preferment. His small treatise, entitled The 
Naked Truth, or the true State of the Primitive Church, 
printed at a private press, was published in 16T5, when 
the papists hoped to take advantage of the quarrels of the 
non-conformists with the Church of England, and from its 
latitudinarian views it became a pojDular work, which not 
only drew the attention of parliament to the subject, but 


produced some severe attacks against it. One of these, 
by Dr Turner, of St. John's College, Cambridge, was 
answered by Andrew Marvell, who applauded the Bishop's 
works, and, as might be supposed, defended his principles. 
Besides this, he published some occasional sermons, 
religious tracts, a legacy to his diocese, and, in 1685, 
Animadversions on Burnet's Theory of the Earth. In 
the latter part of his life he wished to resign his bishopric 
from some scruples of conscience. He died in 1691. — 
Wood. Salmons Lives of the Bishojjs. 


John Crohjs, a protestant minister, was born at Usez, 
where he became a minister, and died in 1659. He wrote 
a defence of the Genevan Confession of Faith, 1645, 8vo, 
and Augustin Suppose, &c., in which he attempted to 
prove that the four books on the creed in St. Augustine's 
works are not the production of that author. He also 
wrote Specimen Conjecturarum in qusedam Origenis, 
Irenaei, et Tertulliani Loca, 1632; and Observationes 
Sacrae et Historic^ in Nov. Test, chiefly against Heinsius, 
lQ4:i.—Gen. Diet. 


Samuel Croxall was born at Walton-upon- Thames, in 
Surrey, and educated at Eton school, from whence he 
removed to St. John's College, Cambridge, where he 
wrote the Fair Circassian, a poem, which is a licentious 
imitation of Solomon's Song. On entering into orders he 
obtained the living of Hampton, in Middlesex, several pre- 
ferments in Hereford cathedral, and the united livings of 
St. Mary, Somerset, and St. Mary Mounthaw, London. 
He died in 1752. Dr. Croxall was a strenuous whig, and 
wrote a book called Scripture Politics. He also published 


a popular edition of ^sop's Fables, and wrote some 
poems ; besides which, his name was affixed to a collection 
of novels, in 6 vols. l^mo. — Biog. Brit. 


Ralph Cudworth was born at Aller, in Somersetshire, 
in 1617, of which place his father was rector. Going to 
Cambridge, he in due course became fellow and tutor of 
Emanuel College. In 1(541 he was presented to the living 
of North Cadbury, in Somersetshire. He first appeared 
as an author by the publication (in 1642) of his discourse 
concerning " The True Notion of the Lord's Supper." 
His notion is this, that the Eucharist, considered in its 
spiritual and mystical view, is a Feast upon a Sacrifice. 
viz : the sacrifice once offered upon the cross, having 
some analogy to the Jewish sacrificial feasts, which were 
figures or shadows of this true spiritual feeding; for as 
those were banquets upon typical sacrifices, so this is a 
banquet upon the real sacrifice to which they pointed ; 
and as those banquets were federal directly with respect 
to the legal covenant, so is this banquet federal with re- 
spect to the Evangelical Covenant, formerly couched under 
the legal one. 

In the same year he published his treatise, entitled 
" The Union of Christ and the Church Shadowed." 

In the year 1644 he took the degree of bachelor of 
divinity, upon which occasion he maintained at the com- 
mencement the two following theses : 

1. Dantur boni et mali rationes seternse & indispensa- 
biles ; that is, the reasons of good and evil are eternal and 

2. Dantur substantias corporae sua natura immortales : 
that is, there are incorporeal substances by their own 
nature immortal. 

It appears from these questions, that he was even at 


that time examining and revolving in his mind those 
important subjects, which he so long afterwards cleared 
up with such uncommon penetration in his Intellectual 
System, and other works still preserved in manuscript. 
In the same year (1644) he was appointed master of 
Clare Hall, in Cambridge, in the room of Dr. Paske, who 
had been ejected by the parliamentary visitors. In 1645, 
Dr. Metcalf, having resigned the regius professorship of 
the Hebrew tongues, Mr. Cud worth was unanimously 
nominated on the 1 5th of October, by the seven electors, 
to succeed him. From this time he abandoned all the 
functions of a minister, and applied himself only to his 
academical employments and studies, especially to that 
of the Jewish antiquities. On the '31st of March, 1647, 
he preached before the house of commons at Westminster, 
upon a day of public humiliation, a sermon upon I John 
ii. 3, 4, for which he had the thanks of that house return- 
ed him the same day. 

In 1654 he was elected master of Christ's College. He 
was, in 1657, one of those who were consulted by parlia- 
ment about the English translation of the Bible, and by 
his learning he gained the friendship of Whitelocke, and 
of Thurlow. To the latter he wrote an account of his 
design to publish some Latin discourses in defence of 
Christianity, against Judaism. Part of this design, a 
discourse concerning Daniels Prophecy of the Seventy 
Weeks, which was read in the public schools of Cambridge, 
is highly commended by Henry More, in the preface to 
jjis Grand Mystery of Godliness. " In this work," ob- 
serves More, " Dr. Cudworth has undeceived the world, 
misled too long by the over-great opinion they had of 
Joseph Scaliger, and has demonstrated the manifestation 
of the Messiah to have fallen out at the end of the sixty- 
ninth week, and his passion in the midst of the last ; 
W'hich demonstration of his is, in my apprehension, of as 
much price and worth in theology, as either the circula- 
tion of the blood in physic, or the motion of the earth in 
natural philosophy." 


In 1662 he was presented by Sheldon, Bishop of Loq- 
doD, to the vicarage of Ashwell, in Hertfordshire. In 
1678 he was installed prebendary of Gloucester, and he 
then published in folio his famous work, " The True 
Intellectual System of the Universe ; wherein the reason 
and philosophy of Atheism are confuted, and its impossi- 
bility demonstrated." 

" He lived," says Bishop Chandler, " in an age when 
the disputes concerning liberty and necessity, mingling 
with the political scheme of the leaders of opposite parties, 
helped to cause strong convulsions in the state, and to 
spread no less fatal an influence upon the principles and 
manners of the generality of people. For debauchery, 
scepticism, and infidelity, as he complains, flourished in 
his time, and grew up, in his opinion, from the doctrine 
of the fatal necessity of all actions and events, as from its 
proper root. 

•' These sentiments disposed him to bend much of his 
study this way, and to read over all the ancient philoso- 
phers and moralists with great accuracy. He then set 
himself to gather and answer all the ancient and modern 
arguments for the necessity of all actions, which had 
been maintained by several persons, upon very diflerent 

" He accordingly distinguished three sorts of fatality. 
First, natural or material, which, excluding God out of 
the scheme, and supposing senseless matter, necessarily 
moved, to be the first principle and cause of all things, is 
truly and properly the atheistical fate. This he found 
defended by Epicurus ; and to refute him and the other 
assertors of the atomic material necessity, he published 
his learned and unanswerable book, which he entitled, 
The Iniellectual System of the Universe. Secondly, theo- 
logic or Divine fate, which, indeed, allows in words the 
existence of that perfect intellectual Being, distinct from 
matter, whom we call God ; yet, affirming that God irre- 
spectively decrees and determines all things, evil as well 
as good, doth in effect make all actions alike necessary to 


us. In consequence whereof, God's will is not regulated 
by His essential and immutable goodness and justice ; 
God is a mere arbitrary will, omnipotent ; and, in respect 
to us, moral good and evil are positive things, and not so 
in their own nature: that is, things are good or bad 
because they are commanded or forbidden, and that which 
is now good might have been bad, and bad good, if the 
pure will of God, at first, had not determined them to be 
what they are at present. Thirdly, the Stoical fate, which 
constrains also the natural and moral actions of the 
universe, and makes necessity to be so intrinsical to the 
nature of every thing, as that no being or action could 
possibly be otherwise than it is. For all things, according 
to this notion, depend in a chain of causes all in them- 
selves necessary, from the first principle of being, who 
pre-ordered every event before it fell out, so as to leave no 
room to liberty or contingency anywhere in the world." 

To overthrow this triple fortress of irreligion, was the 
great design to which Cudworth dedicated his life. 

Owing to his having imbibed his philosophy from 
Platinus, and other disciples of the Platonic school, he in- 
curred the charge, in this great work, of giving too much 
countenance to the Arian hypothesis. It is most un- 
warrantable and uncharitable, to accuse of intolerance and 
bigotry, those who, at the first appearance of the work, 
pointed out the learned author's error in these respects. 
Surely they were as much justified in the zeal for the 
truth as he in his zeal against atheism. But the author 
was no Arian. His generous and candid mind, when 
having a particular line of argument in view, made conces- 
sions, from which conclusions were drawn, which he him- 
self, by his whole system of divinity, repudiated. This 
work, from its nature and importance, had many assailants, 
and a warm dispute was raised in consequence between 
the author and Le Clerc. The work was translated into 
Latin, in 1733, by the learned Mosheim, and the original 
was republished in 1743, in 2 vols. 4to, by Dr. Birch, 
with large additions, and with an accurate statement of all 


the quotatioDS, and a life of the author by the editor. 
Cudworth died at Cambridge in 1688, and was buried in 
Christ's College chapel. Of his posthumous works, which 
were a continuation of his Intellectual System, one was 
published by Chandler, Bishop of Durham, in 1731, 
called a Treatise concerning Eternal and Immutable 
Morality, intended chiefly against Hobbes and others. 
The following are the titles of the remaining MSS. as they 
were found by Birch, when preparing his edition of the 
Intellectual System, a hundred years ago : 

1 . A Discourse of Moral Good and Evil, already men- 

2. Another book of Morality, against Hobbes's Philo- 

3. A Discourse of Liberty and Necessity, in which the 
grounds of the Atheistical philosophy are confuted, and 
Morality vindicated and explained. 

4. Another work, De libero arbitrio. 

5. On Daniel's Prophecy of the Seventy Weeks. 

6. Of the Verity of the Christian Pteligion, against the 

7. A Discourse of the Creation of the World, and the 
Immortality of the Soul. 

8. Hebrew Learning. 

9. An Examination of Hobbes's Notion of God, and of 
the Extension of Spirits. 

For some time longer these writings reposed quietly in 
the library at Oates ; but about the year J 762 they were 
sold by Lord Masham, as lumber, to a bookseller ; from 
whose hands, after suffering many perils and mutilations, 
they at length found their way to the British Museum. 
The only public use made of them was by Dr. Dodd, who 
ransacked them for notes to the Bible published with his 
name, and inserted some other passages in the Christian 

The first edition of the Intellectual System, we have 
seen, was published in folio, in the year 1678. 

In 1706 there was published in two volumes 4to, an 


abridgment of that work, under the title of a Confutation 
of the Reason and Philosophy of Atheism, &c. By Thomas 
Wise, B.D. — Birch. Chandler. Cattermoles Literature 
of the Church of England. 


Stephen Curcell^us was born at Geneva, in 1586. 
After residing for some time in France, he settled at 
Amsterdam, where he was followed by the Arminians, and 
where he succeeded Episcopius as divinity professor. He 
was an able critic and a great linguist, and wrote several 
theological tracts. He published a new edition of the 
Greek Testament, with various readings, and with a 
copious dissertation. Polemburg, the successor of Curcel- 
Iseus in the professor's chair, has prefixed an account of 
his life to the folio edition of his works. He died at 
Amsterdam in 1658. — Morerl. 


This holy man of prayer was born in the North of 
England, in the beginning of the sixth century. His 
life was written by Bede, and it is a life well worthy 
of an attentive perusal, though too long to be trans- 
planted into this work. Ordinary facts and providences 
are narrated with simplicity, and are supposed to be 
miraculous, though the enlightened reader of the present 
day will, while he admires the piety which traces every 
thing to the divine interference, perceive nothing in the 
facts, but what can be easily accounted for, and he will 
of course dissent from the conclusions to which Bede 
sometimes arrives. There is a great difference between 
the lying legends of certain Romish saints, in which gross 
falsehoods are told, and the narrative of Bede. Bede 
states facts, which being received at second hand, are some- 


times a little coloured, but never iutentionally gives a 
false account ; he mistakes an ordinary circumstance for a 
miracle, and records as especially miraculous those curious 
coincidences which occur in every man s life, but are only 
" set in a note book," when they occur to some one who 
has rendered himself eminent by his virtue or genius. 
Bede heads his first chapter thus, " How Cuthbert the 
child of God was warned by a child of his future bishopric." 
Cuthbert was a fine high-spirited lad, " fond of jumping, 
running, wrestling,"' and boasting that in bodily exercises 
he could surpass boys older than himself. 

Bede oberves that, " Divine Providence found from the 
first a worthy preceptor to curb the sallies of his youthful 
mind. For, as Trumwine of blessed memory told me on 
the authority of Cuthbert himself, there were one day 
some customary games going on in a field, and a large 
number of boys were got together, amongst whom was 
Cuthbert, and in the excitement of boyish whims, several 
of them began to bend their bodies into various unnatural 
forms. On a sudden, one of them, apparently about three 
years old, runs up to Cuthbert, and in a firm tone 
exhorted him not to indulge in idle play and follies, but 
to cultivate the powers of his mind, as well as those of his 
body. When Cuthbert made light of his advice, the boy 
fell to the ground and shed tears bitterly. The rest run 
up to console him, but he persists in weeping. They ask 
him why he burst out crying so unexpectedly. At length 
he made answer, and turning to Cuthbert, who was trying 
to comfort him, ' Why,' said he, ' do you, holy Cuthbert, 
priest and prelate ! give yourself up to these things which 
are so opposite to your nature and rank ? It does not 
become you to be playing among children, when the Lord 
appointed you to be a teacher of virtue even to those who 
are older than yourself.' Cuthbert, being a boy of a good 
disposition, heard these words with evident attention, and 
pac-ifying the crying child with affectionate caresses, imme- 
diately abandoned his vain sports, and returning home, 
beaan from that moment to exhibit an unusual decision 


both of mind and character, as if the same spirit which 
had spoken outwardly to him by the mouth of the boy, 
were now beginning to exert its influence inwardly in his 
heart. Nor ought we to be surprised that the same God 
can restrain the levity of a child by the mouth of a child, 
who made even the dumb beast to speak, when he would 
check the folly of the prophet : and truly it is said in his 
honour, ' Out of the mouth of babes and sucklings hast 
Thou perfected praise !" " 

The reader will be struck with the beauty and the piety 
of this passage, — he will concur in the general remarks. 
Here was a curious coincidence ; but Bede and his friends 
evidently magniiied it into a prophecy. It was what a 
boy might be expected to say, when Bishops were more 
thought of than now ; and with us the charm of the pas- 
sage is, not in the child's prediction, but in the beautiful 
way in which Cuthbert received the hint. We will take 
the next chapter. " How he became lame with a swelling 
in his knee, and was cured by an angel." " Because,"' 
says Bede, " to every one who hath shall be given, and he 
shall have abundance ; that is, to every one who hath the 
determination and the love of virtue, shall be given, by 
Divine Providence, an abundance of these things ; since 
Cuthbert, the child of God, carefully retained in his mind 
what he had received from the admonition of man, he vras 
thought worthy also of being comforted by the company 
and conversation of angels. For his knee was seized with 
a sudden pain, and began to swell into a large tumour ; 
the nerves of his thigh became contracted, and he was 
obliged to walk lamely, dragging after him his diseased 
leg, until at length the pain increased and he was unable 
to walk at all. One day he had been carried out of doors 
by the attendants, and was reclining in the open air, 
when he suddenly saw at a distance a man on horseback 
approaching, clothed in white garments, and honourable 
to be looked upon, and the horse too on which he sat, was 
of incomparable beauty. He drew near to Cuthbert, and 
saluted him mildly, and asked him as in jest, whether he 


had no civilities to shew to such a guest. ' Yes,' said the 
other, ' I should be most ready to jump up and offer you 
all the attention in my power, were I not, for my sins, 
held bound by this infirmity : for I have long had this 
painful swelling in ray knee, and no physician, v.ith all 
his care, has yet been able to heal me.' The man, leaping 
from his horse, began to look earnestly at the diseased 
knee. Presently he said, ' Boil some wheaten flour in 
milk, and apply the poultice warm to the swelling, and 
you will be well.' Having said this, he again mounted 
his horse and departed. Cuthbertdidas he was told, and 
after a few days was well. He at once perceived that it 
was an angel, who had given him the advice, and sent by 
Him who formerly deigned to send His archangel Raphael 
to restore the eyesight of Tobit. If any one think it in- 
credible that an angel should appear on horseback, let 
him read the history of the Maccabees, in which angels 
are said to have come on horseback to the assistance of 
Judas Maccabaeus, and to defend God"s own temple." 

A good Samaritan rather than an angel appeared to 
Cuthbert ; and the kind physician who prescribed a poul- 
tice was exaggerated by the mind of the youth into an 
angel. How very easily persons may thus exaggerate 
details to themselves, those who are acquainted with the 
uneducated or youthful mind are well aware. The fact 
was as related ; the colouring was from the fancy. The 
reader will see from this how legends originated. They 
began in the simple piety of an age not yet corrupted by 
the fictions of Rome ; and were carried on by designing 
craft to impose upon credulous ignorance. The imagina- 
tion of Cuthbert was very vivid, and in consequence of a 
vision which he had the night on which Aidan, Bishop of 
Lindisfarne, died, he determined to enter a monastery. 
We have in the sixth chapter of Bede, an account of his 
first entering into a monastery, in the circumstances 
attending which the historian again imagines something 

VOL. lY, '^ H 


"This reverend servant of God, abandoning worldly 
things, hastens to submit to monastic discipline, having 
been excited by his heavenly vision to covet the joys of 
everlasting happiness, and invited by the food with which 
God had supplied him to encounter hunger and thirst in 
his service. He knew that the church of Lindisfarne con- 
tained many holy men, by whose teaching and example 
he might be instructed, but he was moved by the great 
reputation of Boisil, a monk and priest of surpassing 
merit, to choose for himself an abode in the abbey of 
Melrose. And it happened by chance, that when he was 
arrived there and had leaped from his horse, that he 
might enter the church to pray, he gave his horse and 
travelling-spear to a servant, for he had not yet resigned 
the dress and habits of a lavman. Boisil was standing 
before the doors of the monastery, and saw him first. 
Foreseeing in spirit what an illustrious man the sti'anger 
would become, he made this single remark to the by- 
standers : ' Behold a servant of the Lord !' herein imitating 
Him Who said of Nathaniel, when he approached Him, 
' Behold an Israelite indeed, in whom there is no guile.' 
I was told this by that veteran priest and servant of God, 
the pious Sigfrid, for he was standing by when Boisil said 
these words, and was at that time a youth studying the 
first rudiments of the monastic life in that same monas- 
tery ; but now he is a man, perfect in the Lord, living in 
our monastery at Yarrow, and amid the last sighs of his 
fainting body thirsting for a happy entrance into another 
life. Boisil, without saying more, kindly received Cuth- 
bert as he approached ; and when he had heard the cause 
of his coming, namely, that he preferred the monastery to 
the world, he kept him near himself, for he was the prior 
of that same monastery. 

" After a few days, when Eata, who was at that time 
priest and abbot of the monastery, but afterwards Bishop 
of Lindisfarne, was come, Boisil told him about Cuthbert, 
how that he was a young man of a promising disposition, 


and obtained permission that he should receive the ton- 
sure, and be enrolled among the brethren. When he had 
thus entered the monasteiy, he conformed himself to the 
rules of the place with the same zeal as the others, and, 
indeed, sought to surpass them by observing stricter disci- 
pliiie ; and in reading, working, watching, and praying, 
he fairly outdid them all. Like the mighty Samson of 
old, he carefully abstained from every drink which could 
intoxicate ; but was not able to abstain equally from food, 
lest his body might be thereby rendered less able to work : 
for he was of a robust frame and of unimpaired strength, 
and fit for any labour which he might be disposed to take 
in hand." 

Some years after it pleased King Alfred to grant to 
Abbot Eata a certain tract of country called Inrhypum, in 
which to build a monastery. The abbot in consequence 
of this grant erected the intended building, and placed 
therein certain of his brother monks, among whom was 
Cuthbert, and appointed for them the same rules and 
discipline which were observed at Melrose. He seems 
himself to have imagined that he had angelic visions, and 
doubtless he had communion with God so fervent as to 
ravish his mind. Such things occur even now. " Notwith- 
standing the fervour of his devotion," says Bede, " he was 
affable and pleasant in his character ; and when he was 
relating to the fathers the acts of their predecessors, as an 
incentive to piety, he would introduce also, in the meekest 
way, the spiritual benefits which the love of God had 
conferred upon himself And this he took care to do in 
a covert manner, as if it had happened to another person. 
Plis hearers, how^ever, perceived that he was speaking of 
himself, after the pattern of that master w^ho at one time 
unfolds his own meiits without disguise, and at another 
time says under the guise of another, ' I knew a man in 
Christ fourteen years ago, who was carried up into the 
third heaven.'" 

But, continues Bede, in his usual strain of piety, " as 
every thing in this world is frail and fluctuating, like the 


sea when a storm comes on, the above-named abbot Eata^ 
with Outhbert and the other brethren, were expelled from 
their residence, and the monastery given to others. But 
our worthy cliampion of Christ did not by reason of his 
change of place relax his zeal in carrying on the spiritual 
conflict which he had undertaken ; but he attended, as 
he ever had done, to the precepts and example of the 
blessed Boisil. About this time, according to his friend 
Herefrid the priest, who was formerly abbot of the monas- 
tery of Lindisfarne, he was seized with a pestilential dis- 
ease, of which many inhabitants of Britain were at that 
time sick. The brethren of the monastery passed the 
whole night in prayer for his life and health; for they 
thought it essential ta them that so pious a man should 
be present with them in the flesh. They did this without 
his knowing it ; and when they told him of it in the morn- 
ing, he exclaimed, ' Then why am I lying here ? I did 
not think it possible that God should have neglected your 
prayers : give me my stick and shoes.' x\ccordingly, he 
got out o-f bed, and tried to walk, leaning on. his stick, and 
finding his strength gradually return, he was speedily 
restored to health : but because the swelling on his thigh, 
though it died away to all outward appearances, struck 
into his inwards, he felt a little pain in his inside all his 
life afterwards ; so that, as we find it expressed in the 
Apostles, ' his strength was perfected in weakness.' 

" When that servant of the Lord, Boisil, saw that Cuth- 
bert was restored, he said, ' You see, my brother, how you 
have recovered from your disease, and I assure yau it will 
give you no farther trouble, nor are you likely to^ die at 
present 1 advise you, inasmuch as death is waiting for 
me, to learn from me all yew can whilst I am able to teach 
you ; for I have only seven days longer to enjoy my health 
of body, or to exercise the powers of my tongue.' Cuth- 
bert implicitly believing what he heard, asked him what 
he would advise him to begin to read, so as to be able to 
finish it in seven days. 'John the Evangelist,' said Boisil. 
' I have a copy containing seven quarto sheets : we cau„ 


with God's help, read one every day, and meditate thereon 
as far as we are able.' They did so accordingly, and speedily 
accomplished the task ; for they sought therein only that 
simple faith which operates by love, and did not trouble 
themselves with minute and subtle questions. After their 
seven days' study was completed, Boisil died of the above- 
named complaint ; and after death entered into the joys 
of eternal life." 

After the death of Boisil, Cuthbert took upon himself 
the duties of the office before mentioned ; and for many 
years discharged them with the mo^t pious zeal, as became 
a saint : for he not only furnished both precept and exam- 
ple to his brethren of the monastery, but sought to lead 
the minds of the neighbouring people to the love of hea- 
venly things. Many of them, indeed, disgraced the faith 
which they professed, by unholy deeds ; and some of them, 
in the time of mortality, neglecting the sacrament of their 
creed, had recourse to idolatrous remedies, as if by charms 
or amulets, or any other mysteries of the magical art, 
they were able to avert a stroke inflicted upon them by 
the Lord. To correct these errors, he often went out 
from the monastery, sometimes on horseback, sometimes 
on foot, and preached the way of truth to the neighbouring 
villages, as Boisil, his predecessor, had done before him. 
It was at this time customary for the English people to 
flock together when a clerk or priest entered a village, and 
listen to what he said, that so they might learn something 
from him, and amend their lives. Now Cuthbert was so 
skilful in teaching, and so zealous in what he undertook, 
that none dared to conceal from him their thoughts, but 
all acknowledged what they had done amiss ; for they sup- 
posed that it was impossible to escape his notice, and they 
hoped to merit forgiveness by an honest confession. He 
was mostly accustomed to travel to those villages which 
lay in out of the way places among the mountains, which 
by their poverty and natural horrors deterred other visitors. 
Yet even here did his devoted mind find exercise for bis 
•2n -2 


powers of teaching, insomuch that he often remained a 
week, sometimes two or three, nay, even a whole month, 
without returning home ; but dwelling among the moun- 
tains, taught the poor people, both by the words of his 
preaching, and also by his own holy conduct. 

Whilst this venerable servant of the Lord was thus, 
during many years, distinguishing himself by such signs 
of spiritual excellence in the monastery of Melrose, its 
reverend abbot, Eata, transferred him to the monastery in 
the Island of Lindisfarne, that there also he might teach 
the rules of monastic perfection with the authority of it& 
governor, and illustrate it by the example of his virtue : 
for the same reverend abbot had both monasteries under 
his jurisdiction. And no one should wonder that, though 
the island of Lindisfarne is small, we have above made 
mention of a bishop, and now of an abbot and monks ; for 
the case was really so. For the same island, inhabited by 
servants of the Lord, contained both, and all were monks. 
For Aidan, who was the first bishop of that place, was a 
monk, and with all his followers lived according to the 
monastic rule. Wherefore all the principals of that place 
from him to the time of Bede, exercised the episcopal 
office, so that, whilst the monastery was governed by the 
abbot, whom they, with the consent of the brethren, 
elected, all the priests, deacons, singers, readers, and 
other ecclesiastical officers of different ranks, observed the 
monastic rule in every respect, as well as the bishop 

He was so zealous in watching and praying, that he 
is believed to have sometimes passed three or four nights 
together therein, during which time he neither went to 
his own bed, nor had any accommodation from the brethren 
for reposing himself. For he either passed the time 
alone, praying in some retired spot, or singing and making 
something with his hands, thus beguiling his sleepiness 
by labour; or perhaps he walked round the island, dili- 
gently exaijuinmg every thing therein, and by this exercise 


relieved the tediousness of psalmody and watching. Lastly, 
he would reprove the faint-heartedness of the brethren, 
who took it amiss if any one came and unseasonably im- 
portuned tliem to awake at night, or during their afternoon 
nups. "No one," said he, "can displease me by waking 
me out of my sleep, but, on the contrary, give me plea- 
sure ; for, by rousing me from inactivity, he enables me to 
do or think of something useful." So devout and zealous 
was he in his desire after heavenly things, that, whilst 
officiating in the solemnity of the mass, he never could 
come to the conclusion thereof without a plentiful shedding 
of tears. But whilst he duly discharged the mysteries of 
our Lord's passion, he would, in himself illustrate that in 
which he was officiating; in contrition of heart he would 
sacrifice himself to the Lord ; and whilst he exhorted the 
slanders by to lift up their hearts and to give thanks unto 
the Lord, his own heart vv-as lifted up rather than his 
voice, and it was the spirit which groaned within him 
rather than the note of singing. In his zeal for righteous- 
ness he was fervid to correct sinners, he was gentle in the 
spirit of .mildness to forgive the penitent, so that he would 
often shed tears over those who confessed their sins, 
])itying their weaknesses, and would himself point out by 
his own righteous example what course the sinner should 
pursue. He used vestments of the ordinary description, 
neither noticeable for their too great neatness nor yet too 
slovenly. Wherefore, even to Bede s day, it is not cus- 
tomary in that monastery for any one to wear vestments 
of a rich or valuable colour, but they were content with that 
appearance which the natural wool of the sheep presents. 

By these and such like spiritual exercises, this vene- 
rable man both excited the good to follow his example, 
and recalled the wicked and perverse from their errors to 
regularity of life. 

In the year 676 he retired to the secrecy of solitude 
which he had so long coveted. He rejoiced that from the 
long conversation with the world he was now thought wor- 
thy to be pronjoted to retirement and divine contemplation: 


he rejoiced that he now could reach to the condition of 
those of which it is simg by the Psalmist : "The holy shall 
walk from virtue to virtue ; the God of Gods shall be seen 
in Zion." At his first entrance upon the solitary life, ho 
sought out the most retired spot in the outskirts of the 
monastery. But when he had for some time contended 
with the invisible adversary with prayer and fasting in 
this solitude, he then, aiming at higher things, sought out 
a more distant field for conflict, and more remote from 
the eyes of men. There is a certain island called Fame, 
in the middle of the sea, not made an island, like Lindis- 
farne, by the flow of the tide, which the Greeks call rheuma, 
and then restored to the mainland at its ebb, but lying off 
several miles to the east, and, consequently, surrounded 
on all sides by the deep and boundless ocean. No one, 
before God's servant Cuthbert, had ever dared to inhabit 
this island alone, on account of the evil spirits which re- 
side there: but v^hen the servant of Christ came, armed 
with the helmet of salvation, the shield of faith, and the 
sword of the spirit, which is the word of God, all the fiery 
darts of the wicked were extinguished, and that wicked 
enemy, with all his followers, were put to flight. 

Christ's soldier, therefore, having thus, by the expul- 
sion of the tyrants, become the lawful monarch of the 
land, built a city fit for his empire, and houses therein 
suitable to his city. The building is almost of a round 
form, from wall to wall about four or five poles in extent : 
the wall on the outside is higher than a man, but within, 
by excavating the rock, he made it much deeper, to pre- 
vent the eyes and the thoughts from wandering, that the 
mind might be wholly bent on heavenly things, and the 
pious inhabitant might behold nothing from his residence 
but the heavens above him. The wall was constructed, 
not of hewn stones or of brick and mortar, but of rough 
stones and turf, which had been taken out from the ground 
within. Some of them were so large that four men could 
hardly have lifted them, but Cuthbert himself, with angels 
helping him, had raised them up and placed them on the 


wall. There were two chambers in the house, one an 
oratory, the other for domestic purposes. He finished the 
walls of them by digging round and cutting away the 
natural soil within and without, and formed the roof out 
of rough poles and straw. Moreover, at the landing-place 
of the island he built a large house, in which the brethren 
who visited him might be received and rest themselves, 
and not far from it there was a fountain of water for their 

Many came to the man of God, not only from the 
furthest parts of Lindisfarne, but even from the more 
remote parts of Britain, led thither by the fame of his 
virtues ; to confess the errors which they had committed, 
or the temptations of the devil which they suffered, or the 
adversities common to mortals, with which they were 
afflicted, and all hoping to receive consolation from a man 
so eminent for holiness. Nor did their hope deceive 
them. For no one went away from him without consola- 
tion, no one returned afflicted with the same grief which 
had brought him thither. For he knew how to comfort 
the sorrowful with pious exhortation ; he could recal the 
joys of celestial life to the memory of those who were 
straitened in circumstances, and show the uncertainty of 
prosperity and adversity in this life : he had learnt to 
make known to those who were tempted the numerous 
wiles of their ancient enemy, by which that mind would 
be easily captivated which was deprived of brotherly or 
divine love ; whereas, the mind which, strengthened by 
the true faith, should continue its course, would, by the 
help of God, break the snares of the adversaiy like the 
threads of a spider's web. 

While he was in this place, in the year 684, Archbishop 
Theodore, in a full synod, in the presence of Ecgfrid, 
appointed Cuthbert to the bishopric of the see of Lindis- 
farne, which he most reluctantly accepted. He adorned, 
however, the office of a bishop, which he had undertaken, 
says Bede, " by the exercise of many virtues, according to 
the precepts and examples of the Apostles. For he pro- 


tected the people committed to his care, with frequent 
prayers, and invited them to heavenly things by most 
wholesome admonitions, and followed that system which 
most facilitates teaching, by first doing himself what he 
taught to others. He saved the needy man from the 
hand of the stronger, and the poor and destitute from 
those who would oppress them. He comforted the weak 
and sorrowful ; but he took care to recal those who were 
sinfully rejoicing to that sorrow which is according to god- 
liness. Desiring still to exercise his usual frugality, he 
did not cease to observe the severity of a monastic life, 
amid the turmoil by which he was surrounded. He gave 
food to the hungry, raiment to the shivering. And his 
course was marked by all the other particulars which 
adorn the life of a pontiff." 

His death took place in 687. Bede, who was present, 
gives a minute and interesting account of the circum- 
stances attending the event, too long, however, for trans- 
cription. He had returned to his dwelling on the island 
to prepare for death, the approach of which he perceived. 
Having given advice and directions to those around him, 
when his hour of evening service was come, he received 
from Bede " the blessed Sacrament, and thus strength- 
ened himself for his departure by partaking of the Body 
and Blood of Christ ; and when he had lifted up his eyes 
to heaven, and stretched out his hands above him, his 
soul, intent upon heavenly praises, sped his way to the 
joys of the eternal kingdom." He was buried in the 
monastery of Lindisfarne ; and after several removals, his 
body was at length consigned to a tomb in Durham 
Cathedral. — Venerable Bede. 


Of the life of this Archbishop of Canterbury very few 
particulars are known, except that he was of a noble Eng- 
lish family, and was translated from Hereford to the 
metropolitan see, according to Wright in 710, and accord- 


ing to Godwin in 742. In the last-named year a great 
council was held at Cloveshoo, Ethelbald, King of the 
Mercians, presiding, with Cuthbert, Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, and the rest of the Bishops sitting with them, to 
examine all necessary points of religion, and of the creed 
delivered to us by the ancient institutes of the holy fathers. 
And they diligently enquired how matters were ordered 
here, in relation to religion, and particularly as to the 
creed, in the infancy of the Church of England, and in 
what esteem monasteries then were according to equity. 

"While we were making this enquiry, (it is said,) and 
reciting ancient privileges, there came to hand that privi- 
lege of the churches, and ordinance of the glorious King 
Wihtred, concerning the election and authority of the 
heads of monasteries, in the kingdom of Kent ; how it is 
ordered to be confirmed by the command and option of 
the metropolitan of Canterbury. And the said privilege 
was read, at the direction of King Ethelbald ; and all that 
heard it said, there never was any such noble and wise 
decree, so agreeable to ecclesiastical discipline ; and there- 
fore they enacted, that it should be firmly kept by all. 

" Therefore I, Ethelbald, King of the Mercians, for the 
health of my soul, and the stability of my kingdom, and 
out of reverence to the venerable Archbishop Cuthbert, 
confirm it by the subscription of my own munificent hand, 
that the liberty, honour, authority, and security of the 
Church of Christ be contradicted by no man ; but she, 
and all the lands belonging to her, be free from all secular 
services, except military expedition, and building of a 
bridge, or a castle. And we charge that this be irrefragably 
and immutably observed by all, as the aforesaid King 
Wihtred ordained, for him and his. 

" If any of the kings my successors, or of the bishops or 
princes, attempt to infringe this wholesome decree, let 
him give account of it to Almighty God at the tremendous 

" If an earl, priest, deacon, clerk, or monk oppose this 
constitution, let him be deprived of his degree, and sepa- 


rated from the participation of the Body and Blood of the 
Lord, and he far from the kingdom of God, unless he first 
make amends for his insolence, hy agreeable satisfaction ; 
for it is written, Whatever ye bind on earth, &c." 

Cuthbert was the personal friend of St. Boniface, with 
whom he kept up a friendly intercourse by letters. In 
745 Boniface sent to Cuthbert some canons of a synod 
lately held at Augsburg, with a letter. fFor an account of 
this see the life of Boniface.) He, about the same time, 
addressed a letter to Ethelbald, King of the Mercians. It 
is a noble letter, in which he addresses the King in a 
strain of earnest affection, while he rebukes his vices with 
unsparing severity : it is such a letter as it became an 
Archbishop to write to a Monarch, who was not without 
good traits of character, but whose immorality was un- 
deniable. From these communications it would seem, that 
our Saxon ancestors were addicted to gross impurities, and 
that the ascetic preteDsions of many were too often used 
as a cloak of lasciviousness. But the great fault of 
Boniface was devotion to the interests of the see of Rome ; 
and while he exhorted the King and metropolitan to 
bestir themselves, in order that the existing evils might 
be remedied, he evidently desired to obtain, on the part of 
the Church of England, what he had laboured for in 
Germany, a synodical submission to the papal see. Cuth- 
bert, who was a wise and prudent prelate, did not imitate 
his mistaken friend's example, in binding himself to obey 
in all things the orders of St. Peter, as they called the 
pope's commands ; but at a synod held at Cloveshoo, in 
Kent, he, and the other English bishops, engaged to 
maintain their own laws against encroachment, keeping 
up a free correspondence with foreign churches, and a 
union of affection, but patriotically refusing to compromise 
their dignity by professing submission to a foreign ecclesi- 
astical authority ; still the Romanizing party gained ground 
in our Church, because in this synod a strict uniformity 
was enjoined with the Roman offices and usages, though 
not at that time, of course, corrupted as they have since 


The synod was held in September, 747, in the presence 
of Ethelbert, King of the Mercians, the Archbishop of 
Canterbury presiding ; eleven bishops and several priests 
attended. Thirty canons were drawn up. Pope Zachary 
was not wanting on this occasion, for he sent a letter to 
the synod, written in a very improper strain, and evidently 
to establish a precedent for interference in a synod of the 
Church of England. The assembled prelates naturally 
regarded this only as an instance of friendship on the part 
of a foreign prelate, as they had done the previous inter- 
ference of the Archbishop of Mentz. After the prelimin- 
aries were concluded by the assembled prelates, " in the 
front of their decrees," as we find it stated in the minutes 
of the synod, " they established it with an authentic 
sanction, that every Bishop be ready to defend the 
pastoral charge entrusted with him ; and the canonical 
institutions of the Church of Christ (by God's protection 
and assistance) with their utmost endeavour, against the 
various and wicked assults that are made upon them ; nor 
be more engaged in secular affairs, (which God forbid) than 
in the service of God, by looseness in living, and tardiness 
in teaching ; but be adorned with good manners, with the 
abstemious virtues, with works of righteousness, and with 
learned studies, that so, according to the Apostle, they 
may be able to reform the people of God by their example, 
and instruct them by the preaching of sound doctrine." 

In the second place, they firmly agreed with a testifica- 
tion, that they would devote themselves to intimate peace, 
and sincere charity, perpetually, every where amongst 
them to endure ; and that there be a perfect agreement of 
all, in all the rites of religion belonging to the Church, in 
w^ord, in work, in judgment, without flattering of any 
person, as being minister of one Lord, and fellow- servants 
in one ministry ; that though they are far distant in sees, 
yet they may be joined together in mind by one spirit, 
serving God in faith, hope, and charity, praying diligently 
for each other, that every one of them may faithiuily tiiiish 
their race. 

YOL. lY. ^ I 


Collier justly remarks that these two canons, especially 
the last, seem to be drawn up especially to protect the 
Church of England against the pretensions of Rome, and 
to reject the precedent of submission which Boniface had 
set them. 

The third canon orders annual episcopal visitations, 
and directs the bishop to call the people of every condi- 
tion together to convenient places, and to plainly teach 
them, and forbid them all pagau and superstitious ob- 
servances, &c. 

4. Directs bishops to exhort all abbots and abbesses 
within their dioceses to exhibit a good example in their 
lives, and to rule well their houses. 

5. Orders bishops to visit those monasteries which, 
owing to the corruption of the times, were governed by 

6. Directs due inquiry to be made concerning the good 
life and sound faith of candidates for priest's orders. 

7. Directs bishops, abbots, and abbesses to take care 
that their " families" do incessantly apply their minds to 

8. Exhorts priests to the right discharge of their duty ; 
to desist from secular business ; to serve at the altar with 
the utmost application ; carefully to preserve the house of 
prayer and its furniture ; to spend their time in reading, 
celebrating masses, and psalmody, &c. 

9. Exhorts priests, in the places assigned to them, by 
their bishops, to attend to the duties of the apostolical 
commission, in baptizing, teaching, and visiting, and 
carefully to abstain from all wicked and ridiculous con- 

10. Directs that priests should learn how to perform, 
according to the lawful rites, every ofiBce belonging to 
their order ; that they shall also learn to construe and 
explain in their native tongue the Lord's Prayer and 
creed, and the sacred words used at mass and in holy 
baptism ; that they shall understand the spiritual signifi- 
cation of the sacraments, &c. 


11. Relates to the faith held by priests, orders that it 
shall be sound and sincere, and that their ministrations 
shall be uniform; that they shall teach all men that 
*' without faith it is impossible to please God ;" that they 
shall instil the creed into them, and propose it to infants 
and their sponsors. 

12. Forbids priests " to prate in church," and " to dis- 
locate or confound the composure and distinction of the 
sacred words" by theatrical pronunciation ; directs them 
to follow the " plain song" according to the custom of the 
Church ; or, if they cannot do that, simply to read the 
words. Also forbids priests to presume to interfere in 
episcopal functions. 

13. Orders the due observation of the festivals of our 
Lord and Saviour, and of the nativity of the saints, accord- 
ing to the Roman martyrology. 

14. Orders the due observation of the Lord's day. 

15. Orders that the seven canonical hours of prayer be 
diligently observed. 

16. Orders that the Litanies or Rogations be kept by 
the clergy and people, with great reverence, on St. Mark's 
day, and on the three days preceding Ascension day. 

17. Orders the observance of the " birth days" of pope 
Gregory, of S. Augustin of Canterbury, who " first 
brought the knowledge of faith, the sacrament of baptism, 
and the notice of the heavenly country," to the English 

18. Orders the observance of the Ember fasts in the 
fourth, seventh, and tenth months, according to the 
Roman ritual. 

19. Relates to the behaviour and dress of monks and 

20. Charges bishops to take care that monasteries, as 
their name imports, be honest retreats for the silent and 
quiet, not receptacles for versifiers, harpers, and buffoons ; 
forbids too much familiarity with laymen, especially to 
nuns ; bids the latter not spend their time in filthy talk, 
junketting, drunkenness, luxury, nor in making vestments 


of divers and vain-glorious colours, but rather in reading 
books and singing psalms. 

21. Enjoins all monks and ecclesiastics to avoid the 
sin of drunkenness, and forbids them to help themselves 
to drink before three ia the afternoon, except in cases of 

2-2. Admonishes monks and ecclesiastics to keep them- 
selves always prepared to receive the Holy Communion. 

23. Encourages boys among the laity to receive fre- 
quently the communion, while they are not yet corrupted ; 
also bachelors and married men who avoid sin, lest they 
grow weak for want of the salutary meat and drink. 

24. Orders that laymen be well tried before they be 
admitted into the ecclesiastical state, or into monasteries. 

26. Relates to almsgiving. 

The twenty-seventh canon throws so much light upoa 
the state of society, and of the Church at that period, that 
it is given in full. 

27. When they were thus discoursing much of those 
who sing psalms, or spiritual songs profitably, or of 
those who do it .negligently, psalmody (say they) is a 
divine work, a great cure in many cases, for the souls 
of them who do it in spirit, and mind. But they that 
sing with voice, without the inward meaning, may make 
the sound resemble something ; therefore though a man 
knows not the Latin words that are sung, yet he may 
devoutly apply the intentions of his own heart, to the 
things which are at present to be asked of God, and 
fix them there to the best of his power. For the 
psalms, which proceeded of old through the mouth of the 
prophet, from the Holy Ghost, are to be sung with the 
inward intention of the heart, and a suitable humiliation 
of the body, to the end that (by the oracles of divine 
praise, and the sacraments of our salvation, and the 
humble confesson of sins, or by devoutedly imploring the 
pardon of them, they that touch the ears of divine pity by 
praying for any valuable thing, may the more deserve to 
be heard, by their desiring and affecting to draw near to 


God, and to appease Him by the means which I before 
mentioned, especially their most holy and divine service) ; 
while they offer variety of prayers and praises to God in 
that sacred modulation, either for themselves, or for 
others, quick or dead, while at the end of every psalmody, 
they bow their knees in prayer, and say in the Latin, or, 
if they have not learnt that, in the Saxonic, Lord have 
mercy on him, and forgive him his sins, and convert him to 
do Thy ivill : or, if for the dead, Lord, according to the 
greatness of Thy mercy, grant rest to his soid, and for 
Thine infinite inty vouchsafe to him the joys of eternal light 
tvith Thy saints. But let them who pray for themselves 
have a great faith in psalmody, performed with reverence, 
as very profitable to them, when dcme in manner afore- 
said (on condition that they persist in the expiation 
of their crimes, and not in the allowance of their vices) 
that is, they may the sooner, and the more easily deserve 
to arrive at the grace of divine reconciliation, by prayers, 
and intercessions, while they worthily sing and pray ; or 
that they may improve in what is good ; or that they may 
obtain what they piously ask : not with any intent, that 
they may for one moment do evil, or omit good, with the 
greater liberty, or relax fasting, injoined for sin, or give 
the less alms, because they believe others sing psalms, or 
fast for them. For let every one certainly know, that his 
own self-same flesh, which hath been the causes of unlaw- 
ful wicked desires, ought to be restrained from what is 
lawful ; and that a man should punish it at present, in 
proportion to its guilt, if he desire not to be punished 
hereafter by the Eternal Judge. Let himself first impor- 
tune the divine clemency, with groanings of heart for the 
restoration of himself, and then bring as many servants 
of God as he can, to make their common prayers to God 
for him. For if they promise, or believe, or act, otherwise 
than hath been before said, they do not lessen sins, but 
add sins to sins ; because by this means (above all the 
rest) they provoke the anger of the Supernal Judge; 


because they dare set his justice to sale every day by an 
immeasurable flattery, and the excessive blandishment of 
luxurious conversation. We must speak at large of this, 
because a worldly rich man of late, desiring that speedy 
reconciliation might be granted him for gross sin, affirmed 
by letters, that that sin of his, as many assured him, was 
so fully expiated, that if he could live three hundred years 
longer, his fasting was already paid, by the new modes of 
satisfaction, viz. by the psalmody, fasting, and alms of 
others, abating his own fasting, or however insufficient it 
were. If then divine justice can be appeased by others, 
why, ye foolish ensurers ! is it said by the voice of truth 
itself, that it is easier for a camel to go through the eye 
of a needle, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom 
of Heaven, when he can with bribes purchase the in- 
numerable fastings of others for his own crimes ? that ye 
might perish alone, ye that are deservedly called the gates 
of hell — before others are ensnared by your misguiding 
flattery, and led into the plague of God's eternal indig- 
nation. Let no man deceive himself, God deceives none, 
when He says by the Apostle, we shall all stand before 
the judgment seat of Christ, &c. 

28. Forbids to receive greater numbers into monasteries 
than can be maintained, and forbids clerks and monks to 
imitate seculars in " the fashionable gartering of their 
legs, or in having shags round about their heads," nuns 
were prohibited from going in secular apparel, or in gaudy 
gay clothes. 

29. Forbids clerks, monks, and nuns, to dwell with lay- 

80. Enjoins, amongst other things, that prayer be 
made by all monks and ecclesiastics for kings and dulses, 
and for the safety of all Christian people. 

Archbishop Cuthbert died in 758, and was buried in 
Canterbury Cathedral. — Goduin. Malmesbury. Johnsons 
Eccles. Canons. Wilkin's Cone. Landon. Chtrtons Early 
English Church. 



Thascius Cji^ciLius Cyprian ^vas a lawyer at Carthage, 
where he practised with high reputation, at the begioning 
of the third century, and where he seems to have realised 
a considerable property, the reward of his skill and dili- 
gence in his profession. We know not the year of his 
birth, nor of consequence his age at the time of his con- 
version ; for though he had a contemporary biographer in 
Pontius his deacon, few of the incidents of his former life 
are recorded. We should only judge from the general 
habits of his life and of his mind, as displayed in his 
writings, and in the acts of his episcopate, that he 
was in the prime of life, or at any rate not far passed 
the middle age, when he was born again in holy bap- 
tism. We may add that some indirect evidence seems 
to show, that he was not incumbered with the care of a 
wife and family. 

The providence of God which had marked out Cyprian 
for a high office in the Church, led him to an intimate 
acquaintance with Coecilius, an aged presbyter in the 
church of Carthage : and this friendship was the means of 
his conversion, which took place early in the year 246. 
He has himself recorded, in his epistle to Donatus, some 
of the struggles which it cost him to leave the world, and 
to embrace the life of a Christian, cut off, as it then was, 
from the secular employments and honours of the state, 
and from the pomp and revelries of a too luxurious wealth. 
We shall not be surprised to find, that some of the temp- 
tations which assailed the young convert were directed 
against his pride of reason. Like Nicodemus, he could 
not receive the mystery of a spiritual regeneration. 
'• While," says he, "I was lying in darkness, and in the 
shadow of death, and while I was tossed uncertain upon 
the waves of this tempestuous world, ignorant of what 
was my real life, and an alien from truth and light, I 
thought the method of salvation which was proposed to me 


strange and impossible. I could not believe that man 
should be born again ; and being animated with a new 
life, put off in the laver of regeneration, what he had 
before been : and though remaining the same in his 
whole natural and animal frame, become changed in his 
mind and affections." The favour of God, however, which 
had directed Cyprian to the good Caecilius, did not desert 
him in these difficulties ; and coming at last with faith 
and repentance to the Sacrament of Baptism, Cyprian 
received that grace of regeneration, at which his natural 
reason had stumbled. 

And as his own words best describe the difficulties of 
his conversion, so do they best set forth his experience of 
the spiritual effects of baptism. " So entirely," says he, 
in the same epistle, "was I immersed in the deadly atmos- 
phere of my former life, so enveloped in the habits and 
commission of sin, that I despaired of ever freeing myself, 
and began to look upon these things, and to love them, as 
a part of myself. But when the sulliage of my past 
iniquities was washed away by the waters of baptism, the 
pure and serene light from above infused itself into my 
whole spirit : when my second birth of the Spirit had 
formed in me a new man, all at once w^hat bad been 
doubtful before, became certain, what had been shut was 
opened ; into the darkness light shined ; that was easy, 
which before was difficult, and that only difficult, which 
before was impossible : and now I knew, that that was 
earthly and mortal, which had formerly included me in 
the bondage of sin ; but that the Holy Spirit of God had 
animated me with a new and better nature." 

Moved by affection for his father in Christ, Cyprian 
took the name of Caecilius at his baptism. His first work 
after he had been numbered among the faithful, was his 
epistle to Donatus on the Grace of God, from which we 
have already made extracts. To this soon was added a 
treatise on the vanity of idols, in which he laboured to 
destroy that superstition which he had formerly embraced 


and defended. While thus employing his energies and 
talent in the service of the Church, Cyprian was called to 
the diaconate ; and in the December of the year following 
his conversion, (247), having in the interim lost his friend 
Csecilius, he was made a presbyter : a station which he 
adorned, as he had already done that of deacon, and as he 
was soon to do that of Bishop, with equal modesty and 

At the death of Donatus, (248), the whole body of the 
Carthaginian laity, with the greater part of the clergy, 
demanded Cyprian for their Bishop ; overlooking the 
youth of the Christian, in the singular merit of the man. 
The modesty of the young presbyter, however, would 
have given place to his seniors : and he actually withdrew, 
concealing himself for a while from the eager search of the 
people. But the providence of God had marked Cyprian 
as their Bishop ; and when the people had for some time 
surrounded his house, besieging the door, and searching 
every passage and retirement in their officious zeal, he 
appeared at last, baffied in his concealment, before the 
assembled crowd. The people received him with trans- 
ports of joy, proportioned to the earnestness of their hopes 
and expectations 

Immediately after his elevation to the episcopal throne, 
the attention of St. Cyprian was directed to the restoration 
of discipline, which had been much relaxed during the 
long peace which the Church had enjoyed. To this end 
he called in the advice of his clergy, without which his 
great example of wisdom and firmness, tempered with 
humility, undertook nothing of importance. To this time 
is to be referred his tract de habitu virginiim, and several 
of his epistles. The first of these was occasioned by the 
breach of an ecclesiastical law, which forbad clergynien to 
be incumbered with executorships. One victim, an eccle- 
siastic at Turin, had nominated Fautinus, a presbyter, his 
executor. The Bishop, in his letter to the clergy and people 
at Turin, expresses his regret at this breach of discipline ; 
cites the decision of a former synod, condemning the 


practice, of which Victor had been guilty ; and states, in 
general terms, the principles on which the ecclesiastical 
canons on that head were founded. ''No man that war- 
reth, entangleth himself with the affairs of this life, that he 
may please Him Who hath chosen him to be a soldier : and if 
this rule should regulate the life of every Christian, much 
more of every ecclesiastic, that he may give himself the 
more entirely to the service of the altar: on the same 
principle proceeded the exemption of the Levites, under 
the Mosaical law, from the cares of this life : and all this 
was maturely considered by those who made the ecclesi- 
astical rule which Victor has disregarded." " Wherefore" 
continues Cyprian, " since Victor has dared, contrary to 
the law lately enacted in council, to nominate Fautinus 
his executor, no oblation ought to be made for his death, 
nor any prayer be offered in his name in the church : that 
so we may maintain the decree of the Bishops which was 
religiously made, and of necessity ; and that a warning 
may be given at the same time to the rest of the brethren, 
not to call off the priests and ministers of the altar and 
Church of God, by the distracting cares of this world." 

A player, who had left off the exercise of his profession, 
on embracing the faith of Christ, but still continued to 
teach it to others ; and a deacon who had insulted the 
offices and power of an aged bishop, named Rogatian, 
gave occasion to two other of Cyprian's epistles ; but the 
most painful dehnquency against which he had now to 
exert his episcopal authority, forms the subject of his 
fourth epistle. The experience of the Church during two 
centuries of persecution had fully justified St. Paul's 
assertion, that for the present distress, celibacy was the 
better state. A single life was by this time looked on as 
a state of greater privilege and sanctity, and many of each 
sex had voluntarily embraced that condition, not binding 
themselves by any vow, but simply proposing to them- 
selves a religious celibate. From this condition, those 
who were already married were of course excluded : but 
for these there was a greater refinement of asceticism 


open, by a voluntary continence ; and to this some of 
them resorted. This discipline seems to have suggested 
to those who had already professed celibacy, the dangerous 
expedient of choosing one of the other sex, with whom 
they might form a kind of spiritual nuptials, still main- 
taining their chastity, though, in all things else, li\ing as 
freely together as married persons. 

That there were unworthy motives at the bottom of 
such a course, it would be difficult not to believe : it is 
however fair to suppose, that the delinquents were self- 
deceived. They had prevailed on themselves to believe, 
that they might test and strengthen their religious charac- 
ter, by preserving their celibate, in the midst of such 
temptations. The world, however, refused to view the 
matter in this light : and much scandal ensued. Pompo- 
nius, a brother bishop, wrote for St. Cyprian's advice, as 
to the manner in which he should treat those who had 
been guilty of this scandalous custom in his diocese. 
Cyprian declares at once, that the professed celibates with 
their agadetce had placed themselves within the snares of 
the devil ; and laments that many had already fallen a 
sacrifice to his wiles : he recommends, that those who had 
offended in this matter, without reference to the tnith or 
falsehood of their assertions of purity, should undergo 
penance ; that they should then resume their state of pro- 
fessed celibacy, if they still thought it conducive to their 
Christian character; but otherwise, that they should 
marry, since, as St. Paul says, it is better to marry than to 
burn. But if any refused to forego their scandalous 
custom, they were to be excommunicated, without hope 
of reconciliation. 

This whole matter affords us a most useful general 
lesson, and an awful example of the deceitfulness of sin. 
It was under the pretence of a singular sanctity that the 
(7vvH<Ta,Kroi voluntarily placed themselves in a position so 
full of scandal to the Church in general, and of danger to 
themselves ; and many of them doubtless, when they were 
on the verge of loosing the very purity which they estima- 


ted so highly, were priding themselves on the constancy 
with which they resisted temptation, and maintained their 
Christian life. 

While St. Cyprian was thus engaged in the revival of 
discipline, which a lay person had relaxed, persecution, 
with its healing though painful influence was approach- 
ing. After various and rapid revolutions, Decius a 
heathen prince found himself invested with the imperial 
purple. He was himself a firm adherent to the super- 
stitions of his forefathers, and he was perhaps alarmed at 
the num^ber of Christians, who must be supposed to cling 
with some affection to the memory of Philip, whom he 
had dethroned and murdered. The reign of Decius com- 
menced therefore with an edict against the Christians. 
The first step which was taken on the publication of this 
edict, was the appointing of a day on which all who were 
accused or suspected of being Christians should be re- 
quired to renounce their faith, and sacrifice to the heathen 
gods. Meanwhile they were suffered to remain unmo- 
lested. There was sufi&cient leniency here towards the 
persons of the brethren, but a cruel policy against the 
faith of the Church ; for there was no more likely method 
than this to make apostates. 

Many in express obedience to the precept of our blessed 
Lord Himself, Who taught His disciples, when persecuted 
in one city to flee to another, retired from Carthage, 
leaving their possessions as the price of their life ; 
St. Cyyrian himself was among those who avoided perse- 
cution by an early retreat : not, however, before he had 
seen ample indications, that against him especially, as the 
Bishop of the Church, the fury of the heathens would be 
excited ; not before the circus and the amphitheatre had 
again and again echoed the voices of the people, calling 
out that he should be cast to the lions ; and not before 
(which is far the most important) he had become fully 
convinced by the best consideration, and, as he himself 
tells us, by a warning also from Heaven, that he should 
thus be fulfilling his duty to God and His Church more 


perfectly. On this retreat Caecilius Cyprian was proscribed 
by name, and his estate confiscated. 

We know not the place or the companions of St. Cyprian's 
first retreat ; he tells us, however, incidentally, that he 
had not retired from Carthage without leaving a great 
portion of his property for the benefit of the poor of his 
diocese ; committing it, for that purpose, to the presbyter 
Fiogatian. Meanwhile, if absent in body, he was yet in 
spirit present with his flock ; sparing neither exertion, 
nor prayers, nor eucharistic commemorations, nor frequent 
directions, encouragements, and reproofs, to preserve them 
in the true faith of Christ, and within the bonds of apos- 
tolical order. He was careful, therefore, through the 
medium of Tertullus, of whom he speaks with much 
affection, to receive constant intelligence from Carthage ; 
and he made up for his absence, as much as possible, by 
his frequent letters to the clergy, and to the people of his 
church. He exhorts them to a maintenance of discipline, 
and at the same time to as great prudence and meekness 
under the Church's affliction as was consistent with 
fidelity. He encourages those who were suffering under 
the severest pressure of persecution, and at the same time 
warns them not to be too much elated by their privilege ; 
and he gives suitable exhortations, alike to those who may 
receive and those who may miss, the martyrs crown. Nor 
were bis own people the only persons who demanded his 
attention. In Rome, Cyprian had been represented as a 
renegade, and the clergy of Rome had written letters to 
Carthage, in which they boast of their own constancy, and 
insinuate an unfavourable comparison at Cyprian's ex- 
pense. At the same time Cyprian himself received an 
account of the martyrdom of Fabian, Bishop of Rome, so 
expressed as to convey to him a tacit reproof for his re- 
treat. Cyprian congratulates the clergy of Rome on the 
glory of their confession, while he questions the auth< n- 
ticity of letters which cast undeserved opprobriiun ^vn a 
Christian Hishop. 

VOL. IV -2 K 

;338 CYPRIAN. 

In this persecution, which was the fiercest to which 
Christianity had yet been exposed ; and which found the 
Church less prepared than it had been at any previous 
time, to resist its spiritual enemies ; a proportionate num- 
ber of the brethren, in all parts of the Roman empire, 
apostatized from the faith. 

And now it was that, by the united effort of the sound 
part of the Church in all Christendom, the ecclesiastical 
regulations concerning the treatment of the lapsed, were 
reduced to the most perfect form that they ever assumed. 

The discipline which had been previously established 
by the usage of the Church was as follows : Those who 
iiad denied the faith explicitly, or by offering sacrifice or 
incense, were at once excommunicated : no offerings were 
received from them, and no mention was made of them 
at the eucharistic commemorations; nor were they received 
with the faithful into any ecclesiastical fellowship. They 
were not, however, utterly cast off, nor left to become 
hardened, by escaping observation and rebuke ; nor, if they 
came to a sense of their miserable condition, were they 
permitted to remain in despair of the favour of God, by 
being for ever shut out from the peace of the Church : but 
they were admitted, at the discretion of the Bishop, to a 
penance proportionate with their offence ; and were after- 
wards formally received into communion with the faithful, 
by episcopal imposition of hands. 

Some again, by a subsequent confession, and even a 
martyr's death, recovered their place in the Church : mar- 
tyrdom, especially as a second baptism, being accounted as 
purgation of sins, at least so far as the Church has cogni- 
zance of them, even as original sin is washed away in the 
laver of baptism, sufficiently sealed the reconciliation of the 
returning Christian. Those, also, who were penitent, 
and were seized with any mortal illness, were at once 
restored by the administration of the Holy Eucharist. 
Another medium of return to the peace of the Church, 
was the intercession of the martyrs. It was supposed, 


tliat those blessed saints who were awaiting in the 
faith and hope of martyrs, an immediate crown of glory, 
and admission to the beatific vision, might especially pre- 
vail in their intercessions at the throne of grace ; and the 
privilege of those whose souls should soon cry from 
beneath the heavenly altar, against the persecutors, was 
thought to extend, in some degree, to a prevailing inter- 
cession for the persecuted. 

But during this persecution, the salutary laws which 
should have restrained the exercise of the martyr's privi- 
lege, were in many instances disregarded : and hence arose 
miserable divisions in the Church, with all the heart- 
burnings and lasting evils of party spirit ; soine proceeding 
even to actual violence, and others, taking occasion from 
this excitement and division to add fury to a previous 
faction, and strength to a subsequent schism. In a word, 
the question of the lapsed is more or less connected, 
henceforth, with almost every incident of importance in 
which we shall find St. Cyprian involved. 

So soon as the end of April, that is, before the extremity 
of persecution had lasted a month, we find Cyprian lament- 
ing the pride and presumption of some confessors; and 
again, soon after, he rebukes some of the clergy for a spirit 
of insubordination, and contention. And in an epistle 
written in June to his clergy, he feelingly laments that the 
beauty and excellence of confession was so often tarnished 
by these vices ; and having recommended humility and 
obedience, he enters at once upon the great question which 
then awaited his decision, touching the reconciliation of 
those who had received a recommendation from the mar- 
tyrs, without sufficient proof of penitence on the part of 
the lapsed ; without sufficient caution on the part of the 
martyrs ; and without a sufficient care, on the part of the 
clergy, to maintain due order and discipline. " I regret," 
says he, " to hear, that some of you, actuated by pride and 
impudence, employ yourselves in exciting discord .... 
and that they cannot be governed by the deacons or the 
priests, but so demean themselves, that the illustrious 


splendour of many and excellent confessors is tarnished 
by the disreputable manners of a few. Such persons 
ought to dread, lest they should be expelled from the 
society of the good, being condemned by their testimony 
and judgment. For he is the truly illustrious confessor, 
for whom the Church has not to blush afterwards, but in 
whom she still glories. As for that which my brother 
presbyters Donatus and Fortunatus, Novatus and Gordius, 
have written to me, I have been able to answer nothing 
alone ; since I have determined, from the beginning of my 
episcopate, to do nothing by my private judgment without 
consulting you, and without the consent of the people. 
But when God shall permit my return, we will determine 
what ought to be done together, as aur mutual dignity 

The good advice of St. Cyprian would have prevailed, if 
there had been really a desire of peace, and a disposition 
to obey in those to whom he wrote, but the martyrs were 
made the tools of an ambitious and factious party among 
the presbyters, who actually instigated them to an un- 
worthy use of their license of recommendation, in favour 
of men to whom they knew that Cyprian could never 
conscientiously concede the privilege of communion: thus 
associating with themselves, in their opposition against 
their Bishop, a body of overweening martyrs and confes- 
sors, and a clamorous party of the lapsed; while they 
flattered the pride of the one, and excited the hopes and 
passions of the other. 

Cyprian had now remained more than a year in his 
retreat. He lamented his forced absence from his people 
with deep and unceasing regret. He found consolation, 
however, in the hope that he should celebrate the ap- 
proaching Easter among them. But the promised plea- 
sure and privilege was denied to Cyprian and his flock, 
by the miserable secession and rebellion of certain of his 
own people, who so disturbed the peace of the Church, 
and excited so much passion and violence, that Cyprian 
compares the effects of their machinations to another 


persecution : and now he declares it was inexpedient for 
him to return, lest the authors of schism, though professed 
Christians, should be excited to some sudden ebullition of 
violence, by the return of their own Bishop. 

In the Church of Carthage, was a presbyter named 
Novatus. He was doubtless among those who opposed 
the election of Cyprian, and disturbed the beginning of 
his episcopate ; for a rancorous and persevering hostility 
to whatever was right, seems to have been habitual in him. 
We find him avowedly connected with Donatus, Fortuna- 
tus, and Gordius, in proposing a factious question to 
Cyprian, touching the lapsed. He was a lover of novelty, 
of insatiable avarice, proud and overbearing, of ill report 
among the Bishops of his province, and accused by com- 
mon report of peculation in th^ temporal, and error in 
the spiritual deposit of the Church ; he was fawning and 
treacherous, a firebrand of contention, in the Church a 
destroying tempest, and a disturber of all peace. 

About the end of the year 249 he had been cited to 
answer before Cyprian; and there is little doubt that he 
would have been convicted, and canonically deprived. 
But when the day for his trial was near at hand, the 
Decian persecution broke out with such fury, as to disturb 
all the arrangements of the Church, for its internal purity 
and peace : but he was not content with impunity ; he 
must also have notoriety, influence, and revenge; and 
gathering about him a sufficient number of clergy and 
laity to mtike his party formidable, he separated from the 
Church ; and not only braved her censures, but even 
opposed to her body a conventicle of his own, and retorted 
her condemnations and warnings with insolent and rebel- 
lious threats. 

His appropriate charge as a presbyter was over a co7v 
gregation separate from that of the Mother Church, but 
in the diocese, and under the episcopal jurisdiction of 
Cyprian. At this Church Novatus collected around him 
five other presbyters, together with a large body of the 
2k 2 


people ; and to assist him in his ministry, to this " seces'^ 
sion" he procured the ordination of FeUcissimus as his 
deacon, without the consent of Cyprian his Bishop, and 
even without his knowledge. This Felicissimus became 
afterwards his tool and most active partisan ; indeed he 
was a worthy associate of Novatus ; for he too had been a 
peculator, and was charged with repeated adulteries, and 
the most heartless debaucheries. 

But Novatus was not unsupported by the clergy of the 
Church; of the eight presbyters, of whom alone we have any 
mention as attached to the Church of Carthage, and who 
perhaps formed the whole of the Bishop's consistory, five, 
that is, the majority of the whole number, adhered to the 
party of Novatus, and to his deacon, surreptitiously obtained. 
These five were Fortunatus, Jovinus, Maximus, Donatus, 
and Gordianus, presbyters of long standing, and the same 
who had been the old oppugners of Cyprian's episcopate. 
Encouraged by so large and important an array of ecclesias- 
tics, this party presumed so far, as to declare that they 
would refuse the communion to all who maintained the 
fellowship, or obeyed the mandates of Cyprian. This was 
in fact a sentence of excommunication against themselves, 
which was far better than their continuing members of 
the Church in name, while they were in fact enemies to 
the body of Christ ; and was even preferable, on the whole, 
to the sentence of excommunication proceeding in the first 
instance from the Church. " Let him,"' says Cyprian to 
his before-mentioned deputies, "abide by his own sen- 
tence, and hold himself as separated from our communion, 
his voluntary act being ratified by us." And, writing to 
his people, he says, " It seems nothing short of an inter- 
position of divine providence, that these men have brought 
upon themselves, by their own act, without my will, or 
even knowledge, the punishment which was due to their 
criiiics ; and that they who must otherwise have suffered 
;the senieuc;.' of excommunication at our hands, and with 
your siitfrage, have themselves left the pale of the Church." 


Novatiis, soon after this, went to Rome for a season, 
where Novatian, a man of like character with himself, was 
dividing the Church by his contest with Cornelius, just 
elected as the successor of Fabian to the episcopal throne 
of that city. Novatus threw himself into all the plans of 
Novatian, and continued to embroil Carthage still more, 
by means of this schism in another Church. Letters and 
messengers were sent from Rome to the different churches 
favourable to Novatian, and subversive of the authority of 
Cornelius. The bearers of Novatian's letters to Carthage, 
and of accusations against Cornelius, played their part 
most pertinaciously, even after they had been rejected by 
Cyprian and a syn )d of bishops. We learn from Eusebius 
that at Antioch some bishops leaned so much towards the 
Novatian cause, that a council was necessary to suppress 
his party; and the schism, which originated with him, was 
not entirely healed until the sixth century. At present, 
however, we find it struggling for a bare existence in 
Rome ; where Novatian, his error, and his schism, were 
formally condemned ; his party had been already treated 
with equal rigour in Africa; for Maximus, Longinus, and 
Machaeus, his emissaries to that province, and the first of 
them, the Bishop whom he had endeavoured to obtrude 
upon the Church of Carthage, were expelled from that 
country. But he was only incited to greater exertions by 
these severities ; for he still maintained himself as the 
centre of the schism at Rome, and laboured more and more 
to disturb the peace of the whole Church, sending bishops 
of his party, with other emissaries, into several cities. 
Of these, Evaristus, a Bishop, together with Nicostratus, 
a deacon and confessor, and Priscus and Dionysius, 
accompanied Novatus, his ever-active and ever-dangerous 
ally, to Africa, whence his party had been driven with 

Caldonius and Fortunatus were despatched from Carth- 
age to Ronie, to learn the true state of affairs, and in the 
interim Pompeius and liephanus, two African prelates who 
chanced to be at Rome during the election of Cornelius, 


arrived most opportunely, to give their testimony in his fa* 
vour. The synod, who had sent Caldonius and Fortunatus, 
having separated till their return, Cyprian, though he threw 
all his iofluence into the right scale, avoided a public and 
formal recognition of Cornelius, till he might make it with 
the addition of the sy nodical judgment. This for a time 
occasioned some uneasiness to Cornelius, but the explana- 
tion of Cyprian dispelled it, and all was now harmony 
between them. It was on occasion of this great schism in 
the Roman Church, that Cyprian wrote his most impor- 
tant and most celebrated work, his tract on the unity of 
the Church : a work still of vast importance for its testi- 
mony, both against the exaggerated claims of the Bishop 
of Rome in after ages, and against the several sectaries, 
whoever they may be, who have divided, and continue to 
divide the Church, through pride and pertinacity in error. 
Shortly after the healing of the schism in Rome, another, 
not unlike it in many of its features, though of less im- 
portance, occurred in Carthage. We need not relate the 
circumstances under which those who had already shown 
themselves ready to disturb the Church, and to oppose them- 
selves to the authority of Cyprian, procured the consecra- 
tion of one Fortunatus by five excommunicated bishops, 
and set him up as the rival of the true apostolic Bishop of 
Carthage. It is strange, however, that as the claims of 
Novatian had been the occasion indirectly of a momentary 
coolness between Cornelius and Cyprian, so now the 
like effect was occasioned by the pretensions of Fortunatus. 
Cornelius gave too ready an ear to the accusations against 
Cyprian, and to the allegations in favour of the leader of 
the schism. The letters, however, of Cyprian completely 
opened the eyes of his brother in the episcopate, and 
perfect peace and confidence were again restored. It 
is needless to add that the cause of Cyprian, which was 
indeed the cause of the Church, was triumphant at Rome 
and elsewhere ; indeed he tells us that by the very fact of 
the ordination of Fortunatus, his faction was diminished 
almost to nothing ; for this shameless act opened the eyes 


of all who were hitherto deceived by the pretensions of 
that party. 

The ordination of Maximus by the Novatian party at 
Carthage was still more obscure ; and only gives us an 
opportunity of mentioning, that there were now three rival 
bishops in Carthage. The only account which Cyprian 
deigns to give of this latter pretender, is contained in the 
following passage of the letter so often lately quoted. " It 
is scarcely consistent with the majesty of the Catholic 
Church, to notice the impudent attempts of heretics and 
schismatics ; I hear, however, that a party of the Nova- 
tians have lately sent as their bishop into these parts, one 
Maximus, whom I had already excommunicated." The 
best use to make of such accounts, is to collect from them 
the testimony even of heretics to the necessity of that 
discipline which the Catholic Church has ever maintained. 
It seems that in those days it was not thought possible to 
assume even the external figure of a Church, without the 
presence of a Bishop : and that too, a Bishop of that par- 
ticular Church, w^iere the schismatics assembled. It 
would have seemed monstrous then to have assumed the 
character of a Christian Church, without a Bishop ; or of 
a Christian Church, in London for instance, under a 
Bishop of Olena. Some in these wiser days seem to think 

Another terrible persecution was now impending over 
the Church. Whenever any dreadful calamity befel the 
empire, the people and the magistrates sought to appease 
their gods by the slaughter of the Christians ; and the 
plague having now broken out with fearful violence, the 
Christians were subjected to cruel persecutions. St. Cyprian 
was one of the first against whom the malice of an excited 
populace was directed, and he was called for to the lions 
at the beginning of the troubles that were breaking upon 
the Church. He was not, however, yet honoured with the 
crown of martyrdom ; nor indeed, although he seems to 
have anticipated a different result, did this persecution 
under G alius and Volusianus fall so heavily upon his 


Church, as that of Decius had done. Then he was driven 
from his Church, now he remained to comfort, to advise, 
to encourage, those who suffered, or who feared to suffer. 
Nor did he neglect to plead the cause of the Christians. 
His epistle to Demetrian is a very fair specimen of the apolo- 
getic writings of the early Christians, and of course puts us 
in possession not only of the defence of the Christians, but 
also of the arguments which vt^re used against them : on 
this account we may make some extracts from this epistle. 
" You say," says Cyprian, " that all the evils with which 
the world is now harassed, are to be attributed to us, and 

to our refusal to worship your gods." " Know, 

however, that all these things have been predicted ; and 
know also, that they happen not as you ignorantly assume, 
because we worship not your gods ; but because God is 
not worshipped by you. For since He is the Lord and 
Euler of the universe, and all things obey His will, and 
nothing ever happens but by His hand, or His permission, 
when such events occur as demonstrate His indignation, 
they occur not because of us who worship God, but because 
of your iniquities, who will not seek the Lord, nor fear Him ; 
who will not desert your vain superstitions, and acknow- 
ledge the true religion ; so that God, who is the sam.e God 
over all, may by all be alone worshipped and supplicated." 
We cannot refrain from observing, with how good a 
grace the Christians, after they had acquired the superi- 
ority in temporal power, retorted upon the heathen their 
accusation, that they were the cause of evil in the world ; 
since they had not been afraid to make the same accusa- 
tion, while they were depressed and persecuted. 

St. Cyprian proceeds to quote several passages from the 
Jewish Scriptures, in which the very same judgments are 
denounced against those who will persist in serving false 
gods, as the heathens then suffered, and imputed to the 
vengeance of the gods against the Christians. He applies 
these threatenings of the prophet to the present time. 
He te^lls Demetrian, that the purpose of those judgments 
in the divine counse], was to call the heathen to repent- 


ance ; yet he adds other prophecies, which intimate that 
the threatened judgments should fail in this purpose, 
and that in consequence of the obduracy of the heathen, 
they should still continue. The conclusion of Cyprian's 
argument from their fulfilment is as follows. " Lo ! 
scourges fall upon you from above, yet ye tremble not. 
If some such note of the Divine vengeance fell not upon 
men, encouraged by impunity, how much greater would be 
their boldness and impiety !" 

After having at some length exposed the vices of the 
heathen, as calling for the vengeance of God, and amply 
justifying the infliction of all those calamities which were 
attributed to the wrath of Heaven against the Church, 
St. Cyprian proceeds to the mention of those cruelties 
with which the Christians were eveiy where overwhelmed. 
" It is not enough that you yourselves serve not God; but 
those who do serve Him you pursue with impious rage. 
Nor are you satisfied with depriving us of life by a quick 
and simple process ; you inflict the most cruel and linger- 
ing death, and are not content even with torturing us 
except by some new invention, and with the exercise of a 
savage ingenuity. How insatiable your cruelty ! How 
implacable your vengeance ! 

" Christianity either is or is not a crime. If it be 
a crime, why do you not at once execute him who 
confesses his guilt ? If it be not a crime, why do you 
persecute the innocent ? Again : allowing it to be a 
crime ; those w^ho are implicated in it, but obstinately 
withhold a confession of their guilt, would be the 
proper objects of torture : but we confess, we proclaim our 
adherence to the Christian cause, and our contempt of 
your gods. Why then are w^e tortured, as if we concealed 
our guilt ? Why this attempt upon the infirmity of our 
bodies ; upon the weakness of what is but earthly in us ? 
Kather enter the lists with our minds ; try the strength 
of our reason ; see if you can subvert our faith with argu- 
ment ; and if you must conquer, conquer by an appeal to 


To the Christians St. Cj^prian writes in another strain. 
His exhortation to martyrdom is a noble display of the 
motives which should lead a Christian to rejoice in 
being made more like to Christ by suffering; and the 
same may be said of his epistle to the Thybaritans: "A 
more fierce and dreadful conflict," says he, " now awaits 
us, for which the soldiers of Christ ought to prepare them- 
selves with uncorrupt faith, and a manly virtue ; drinking 
to this end, day by day, the Blood of Christ, that for 
Christ they may be enabled to shed their own blood. If 
we would manifest our willingness to be with Christ, we 
ought also so to walk as He walked ; as St. Paul tells us ; 
' we are sons, and if sons then heirs, heirs of God, and 
joint heirs with Christ, if we so suffer with Him as to be 
glorified with Him also.' And this we should now bear 
in mind, that none of us may have his desires fixed upon 
this world, now ready to perish ; but that all may follow 
Christ, who Himself liveth for ever, and giveth life to those 
who are established in the faith of His Name." 

After having quoted several warnings of our Lord and 
His Apostles of impending persecutions, with the accom- 
panying promises and blessings, he proceeds, "In the 
midst of persecution, our Lord would have us exult and 
be glad ; for then the crowns of faith are bestowed, then 
the soldiers of God are approved, then heaven is thrown 
open to the martyrs. Nor did we so enroll our names in 
the army of the saints, as to look for a peaceable service 
only, and to deprecate and refuse the battle : for our Lord 
Himself, our example in humility and patience and long- 
suffering, commenced our course in actual conflict ; Him- 
self beginning that warfare which He would have us to 
wage, and bearing for us in His own person, that which 
He would have us to bear after Him Remember that 
He, to whom all judgment is committed, has declared, 
that those who confess Him here, He vrill confess them 
before His Father ; and that He will deny those who deny 
Him And let none be discouraged, dearest bre- 
thren, at seeing the company of the faithful put to flight by 


fear of persecution, and because he sees not the flock as- 
sembled in one place, nor hears the voice of the shepherd 
(Bishop). They cannot be collected together who are ap- 
pointed not to kill, but to be killed. And whithersoever, 
in those days a single disciple shall be driven by necessity, 
being absent from the brethren in body, but present with 
them in spirit, let him not be cast into despondency by 
his flight, nor be driven to despair by the solitude of his 
retreat. He flies not alone, who hath Christ the com- 
panion of his flight. He is not alone, who beareth about 
with him every where the temple of God, and hath God 
ever within him." 

Then having proposed to them the examples of Abel, of 
Abraham, of the Three Children, and of Daniel ; having 
reminded them of the slaughter of the Innocents ; but 
more especially having set before them the unparalleled 
sufferings of Jesus Christ; he warns them, that the times 
of antichrist are approaching : aud adapting his exhorta- 
tion to their necessities, he proceeds : " Men are trained 
and exercised for victory in the secular games ; and they 
account it no slight accession to their glory, if they receive 
the prize before a crowded assembly, in the presence of 
the Emperor. Lo ! our great, our illustrious content ; 
glorious with the guerdon of a heavenly crown ! lo, how 
God witnesses our struggle ; and looking benignantly on 
those whom He condescends to call His children, Himself 
rejoices in our victory ! How great the happinness in the 
sight of God to contend : to be crowned by the judgment 
of Christ ! Let us arm, my beloved brethren, let us arm 
for the contest with a mind and a faith uncorrupted, and 
with devoted valour ! Let those who have hitherto con- 
quered resume their arms, lest they lose the glory which 
they have nobly won ! Let those who have before fallen 
gird on their harness, that they may retrieve their former 
disgrace. Let honour incite the faithful; let remorse impel 
the fallen to the field." 

In marked accordance with this last portion of his 
exhortation, was his own conduct in pre})aving his Cbuicli 

VOL. lY. 2 L 


for the coming persecution ; for besides these general 
exhortations to martyrdom, and other such-like obvious 
measures, he tells Cornelius, in a synodical lettter, that 
he had, with the concurrence of forty-one of his compro- 
vincial Bishops, re-admitted the penitent lapsed to com- 
munion. " For we are warned," said he, " by divers signs, 
to arm for the battle, and to summon the w^hole army of 
Christ to His banners ; and at such a time we thought it 
advisable to place arms in the hands of those who had 
before deserted their ranks, though not as incorrigible 
traitors or renegades : and as they had already been ad- 
mitted to penance, so now to admit them to the peace of 
the Church, For now the communion of the brethren is 
as necessary to them in their perilous life, as it was here- 
tofore at the hour of death ; at which time it was always 
proposed to re-admit them into the Church. And how 
shall we expect those to pour out their blood for Christ, to 
whom we deny the cup of Christ's Blood in the Supper of 
the Lord ?" 

In this persecution died Cornelius, Bishop of Rome. 
He had been banished to Centursellae, whither Cyprian 
addressed to him a congratulatory epistle ; and there he 
died, — February 14th, 252. — After a few days Lucius was 
chosen in his place, and he too soon perished. This is con- 
nected with the history of St. Cyprian by an epistle of the 
latter, in which he congratulates him on his confession, 
and anticipates as a matter of joy, the still higher crown 
of martyrdom which probably awaited him. 

The plague, which had excited the people to the perse- 
cution of the Church, outlasted the cruelties to which it 
had given rise ; — a more fatal scourge than man could 
inflict, though, in one sense, a less terrible one, siuce it is 
better to fall into the hands of the Lord than into the 
hands of men : we shall only add that Cyprian wrote his 
tract, De Mortalitate, on this occasion, in which he applies 
himself to the encouragement of his people, and directs 
them in their duties, both towards their suffering fellow- 
creaiures, and towards their Almighty Lord, Who was thus 


calling them to repentance, and a nearer communion with 

Another opportunity of exercising the charity of his 
people occurred also in the year 253, when certain Nu- 
midian Christians were made captives by the barbarians. 
Nearly £800 was transmitted on this occasion from the 
Church of Carthage to the distressed brethren of Numidia, 
accompanied with a letter from Cyprian, breathing the 
true spirit of Christian charity, and attesting the power of 
the doctrine of the communion of saints, over the hearts 
and conduct of the faithful. 

To the spring of the same year we may refer a very 
interesting epistle of Cyprian to Csecilius, the occasion of 
which was as follows : — At the time of which we are 
writing, a very frequent, perhaps a daily, participation in 
the eucharistic feast was the universal custom among 
Christians ; but there were men, who were induced, from 
a fear that their religion would be betrayed by the smell 
of the wine, taken in the morning, to consecrate the cup 
only with water; and thus avoid an involuntary confes- 
sion, and the consequent persecution. 

St. Cyprian maintains, with arguments only too abun- 
dantly conclusive, that wine must at all hazards and at 
all events be mingled with the cup, and taken by the 
people, or that the communicants are deprived of the 
Blood of Christ in the Eucharist. We must refer the 
reader to the epistle itself for many passages which prove 
most convincingly that the doctrine of transubstantiation 
was DO part of Cyprian's creed ; and that he would most 
assuredly have resented the depriving the laity of the cup 
in the Eucharist, as an innovation of the Roman Church, 
equally presumptuous, tyrannical, and sacrilegious. 

Valerius made it one of the earliest acts of his govern- 
ment, to confirm the security of the Christians. In the 
first dawn of a less troubled day, the chair of Lucius, at 
Rome, had been filled by the election and consecration of 
Stephen, on the 13th of May, (258,) after it had been vacant 
eight days. Cyprian took the earliest opportunity to con- 


voke a provincial synod of the African Bishops. At this 
synod sixty-six bishops were assembled; and from their con- 
sistory an answer was returned to an epistle of one Fidus, 
in which two questions had been submitted to Cyprian. 

Victor, a presbyter, had lapsed ; and Therapius, Bishop 
of Bulla, had received him to communion, before he had 
fulfilled the appointed penitential course. Of this Fidus 
wrote to acquaint Cyprian ; and he, with his associates at 
the synod, proceeded to reprimand Therapius, but deter- 
mined that Victor should retain the privilege improperly, 
though with a Bishop's authority, extended to him. Here 
we have the important rule recognized, that the act of an 
ecclesiastical minister may be valid, though it be improper 
and irregular. For the judgment of the Bishops pro- 
ceeded upon the principle, that the peace of the Church 
once given, in whatever manner, by a Bishop, ought not 
tO' be recalled. 

The second question of Fidus related to the baptism of 
new-born infants. He had declared his opinion, that 
they ought not to be baptized within the second or third 
days from their birth ; with a doubt whether they ought 
not to be kept unbaptized even till the eighth day : argu- 
ing for the first delay, that children at their birth were in 
such a sense unclean, as to present a repulsive appearance, 
and to make us naturally unwilling to impart to them the 
kiss of peace, which was in those days a part of the cere- 
monial of baptism : and grounding his preference for the 
still longer interval on the analogy of baptism with the 
Jewish rite of circumcision. The issue of this appeal to 
Cyprian is conclusive against the doctrine and practice of 
Anti-paedobaptists : it was simply, that baptism is to be 
denied to none, on account of their youth or age. As for the 
strange fancies of Fidus, St. Cyprian reminds him, that to 
the pure all things are pure ; and that since God fashioned 
us even in the womb, the new-born babe coming more im- 
mediately from the hands of God, rather claims our more 
affectionate and reverential embrace. When Elisha raised 
the widow's son, he put his own mouth and each of his 

CYPRIAN.. 353 

limbs on the mouth and corresponding members of the 
child ; a thing not to be understood literally, or, at least, 
not without a spiritual meaning; for the different dimen- 
sions of the man and of the child seem to forbid such a 
contact : herein then we are taught, that when once 
fashioned by the hand of God, all men are in a spiritual 
and divine sense equal. As for circumcision, the type 
was done away, when the antitype appeared ; and Christ 
rising on the eighth day, procured for us a spiritual cir- 
cumcision, into which we may be baptized at any time ; 
and, in a word, if there be a difficulty in the admission of 
any to the laver of regeneration and the sacrament of 
remission, it should rather seem to affect those old and 
hardened offenders, who have added to their original cor- 
ruption, many and long offences ; and not infants, who 
are personally guiltless, and bear the sin and death only 
of the race from which they spring. 

We must pass over the proceedings arising out of the 
attempt of certain Bishops (Fortunatianus, Basihdes, Mar- 
tialis, and Marcianus) to return without due penance and 
reconciliation to the episcopal honour and functions which 
they had forfeited by apostacy during persecution, and 
pass on to the controversy concerning the baptism of 
heretics, which is perhaps the most important of all those 
in which Cyprian was engaged. 

The question agitated was really one of vital importance. 
Whether or no those who had received baptism from the 
hands of a heretic, should be admitted into the Church by 
a second baptism: or rather, (for this is the more correct 
way of stating the question) whether the spriniding by a 
heretic should be accounted any baptism at all ; and there- 
fore, whether one who had received such a sprinkling 
should be baptized. This question had been debated on 
several occasions, and had received several solutions in 
different provinces, but had never been determined with 
authority. In Asia, synods had been held at Synnada 
and Iconium, in which it had been determined, that 
heretical baptism was invalid. In Africa, Agrippinus, 


of Carthage, had presided in a council, at which the 
same determination was adopted In Rome, and in the 
dioceses in its provinces, the oi)inion seems always to 
have been, that they who came over from heresy, and had 
received baptism in their separation from the Church, 
should be received, nevertheless, without a second ba{> 
tism. Meanwhile all agreed, if not in the particular rule 
or discipline, yet in the much more important matter, 
that the Bishop was the centre of authority in such mat- 
ters to his own Church, or the synod of provincial Bishops 
to each province ; and that they did right who followed the 
determination of their Bishop or the synod respectively, 
until the paramount authority of the universal Church 
should determine the question. 

The region in which this difference first created dis- 
sension with Rome, was in Asia Minor. Perhaps some 
Asiatic Christians may have expressed their opinion upon 
the subject at Rome ; and if th.-y did this imprudently, 
still more if they did it intemperately, they were highly 
culpable. Perhaps some converted heretics, who had been 
received into the Church at Rome without baptism, may 
have been rejected on their return to Asia : or some who 
had been re ected in Asia may have been received at 
Rome ; and in either case, the discipline of a particular 
Church, which every other Church ought to respect, was 
dishonoured. But, from whatever causes, Stephen became 
all at once highly indignant at the error, as he thought it, 
of the Asiatic Churches, and wrote to Asia concerning 
Helenus and Firmilian, and the rest of the Bishops of 
those parts, threatening to withdraw from their commu- 
nion, because they repeated the baptism of heretics. 

While affairs w^re in this posture between Asia and 
Rome, a question was put to Cyprian by some Numidian 
bishops upon the very matter which was then embroiling 
the Eastern Church with Rome. But Cyprian's answer 
will put us in possession of his own judgment upon the 
disputed question, with that of the thirty-two bishops 
assembled with him in council. 


He declares it then to be an undoubted truth that " no 
one can be baptized out of the Church, since there is but 
one baptism appointed, and that in the holy Church ; and 
since it is written, They have left me, the fountain of 
living water, and have hewn out for themselves broken 
cisterns, which can hold no water. And again, another 
Scripture speaks in a voice of warning ; Abstain from 
strange water, and of a fountain of strange water drink 
not. The water, therefore, should first be cleansed and 
sanctified by the priest, that it may avail by its use in 
baptism to w^ash away the sins of him who is immersed in 
it. But how can he cleanse and sanctify the water who is 
himself unclean, and upon whom the Holy Ghost is not ; 
for the Lord saith, Whatsoever the unclean person touch- 
eth shall be unclean ? 

" Besides, the very interrogation which is made at 
baptism is a witness of the truth. For when we say, 
' Dost thou believe in eternal life, and in the remission of 
sins by the Holy Church?' we mean that remission of 
sins is not given except in the Church ; but that among 
the heretics, where the Church is not, sins cannot be 

" Moreover, he who is baptized must also be anointed, 
that when he has received the chrism, that is, the unction, 
he may be indeed the anointed of God, and have in him 
the grace of Christ. Now% there is an Eucharistic oblation 
of oil, from the matter of which the baptized are anointed, 
after the oil has been consecrated on the altar ; but he 
cannot have consecrated the creature of oil, who had 
neither an altar nor a church. Whence, again, there 
can be no spiritual unction among heretics, since it is 
quite clear that oil cannot be consecrated and made an 
Eucharistic oblation by them. And we ought to bear in 
mind the Scripture, Let not the oil of a sinner anoint 
mine head. And this warning the Holy Spirit gave 
beforehand in the Psalms, lest any leaving his proper 
course, and wandering from the path of truth, should be 
aiiointed by heretics, and the enemies of Christ. 


"And, yet again, what sort of prayer can the sacrilegious 
and sinful priest offer for the baptized, since it is said, 
God heareth not a sinner ; but if any worshippeth Him, 
and^doeth His will, him He heareth? 

" But who can give that which he hath not? or how can 
he, who has himself lost the Holy Spirit, minister spiritual 
gifts ? 

" Finally, to consent to the validity of the baptism of 
heretics and schismatics is in effect to approve of it. For 
in this case, either all or none is validly performed. If 
the heretic could baptize, he could also give the Holy 
Ghost. But if he who is without the Church canuot give 
the Holy Ghost, because he is himself without the Holy 
Ghost, neither can he baptize the convert : for there is 
one baptism, and one Holy Spirit, and one Church, 
founded by the Lord Christ upon Peter, [or upon a rock .] 
so that in its very foundation it may bear the mark of 
unity. Hence it follows, that since among them every 
thing is false and empty, nothing of their doing in such 
matters ought to be acknowledged by us." 

The same question is discussed in one or two other 
epistles about this time ; and now it had become evident 
that the Bishop of Rome was proceeding to violent counsels, 
and Cyprian was the more anxious to obtain the highest 
authority in vindication of the truth. He assembled, there- 
fore, a second synod of seventy-two bishops. The decision 
of this'synod was the same as that of the preceding, and 
Cyprian lays it before Stephen, as the synodical determin- 
ation of the province over which he presided. 

Another opponent to the rule of Cyprian and his com- 
provincials occurs in the person of one Jubaianus. As he 
proposes some new arguments, we will give the substance 
of Cyprian's answer. Some, it seems, argued, that since 
Nova ti an affected to baptize those who deserted to him from 
the Church, therefore the Church ought to receive heretics 
without baptism, lest Catholics should seem so far to sym- 
bolize with Novatian, and to have borrowed his custom. 

In answer to this notable argument, St. Cyprian ob- 


serves that it would be as reasonable to put off the proper 
conduct of humanity, because in some things apes have 
imitated men ; as for the Church to desert her customs, 
because they had been aped by Novatian. And he argues, 
ad hominem, (and the argument is of very general applica- 
tion, and well worth repeating,) *' Is it really to be held 
a sufficient reason for not doing this, that Novatian has 
done it ? What then ? Since Novatian usurps the honour 
of an episcopate, are we to renounce our episcopacy ? Or, 
because Novatian endeavours to erect an altar, and against 
all right to offer sacrifice, are we to desert our altar, and 
to relinquish our sacrifice ?" 

An argument more worthy of Cyprian's attention occurs 
next : one, indeed, which hinged on the very principle on 
which the Church Catholic afterwards determined the 
present question. I find, says Cyprian, in the letter 
which you transmitted to me, a notion, that we ought not 
to enquire who was the minister of baptism in any par- 
ticular case ; since the baptized may receive remission of 
sins, according to that which he believed ; as that Mar- 
cionites, for instance, need not to be baptized, since they 
have received a semblance of baptism, in the name of 
Jesus Christ. 

Let us take Cyprian's solution of this difficulty in his 
own words. 

" We ought therefore to examine the faith of those who 
believe, out of the Church, to determine whether it be 
such as that they can on account of it obtain any grace. 
For if there be but one faith common to us and to 
heretics, there may be one grace also. If the Patri- 
passians, for instance, the Valentiniani, the Ophitae, the 
Marcionites, and other pestilent sects., the very poison and 
dagger of the truth, confess the same Father, the same 
Son, the same Holy Spirit, the same Church, that we 
confess, they may share with us in our baptism, since 
their faith also is one with ours. Let us examine the case 
of Marcion for instance. Now does Marcion hold the 
doctrine of the Trinity ? Does he ascribe creation to the 


same Father with us ? Does he recognize the same Son, 
Christ born of the Virgin Mary, Who is the word made 
flesh, Who bare our sins, Who by His death conquered 
death, Who was the first-fruits and the promise of the 
resurrection to us, in His flesh, so as to assure His disci- 
ples that they also should rise in the same flesh ? Far 
different is the faith of Marcion, and of the rest of the 
heretics ! How, therefore, can it be made to appear, that 
they who are baptized among them can receive remission 
of sins, and the grace of God, on account of their faith, 
when their very faith itself is a lie ? For if as some 
imagine, one who is without the Church, can receive any 
thing according to his faith ; surely he must receive that 
which he believes : he then who believes a lie cannot 
receive the truth ; but rather, accoi'ding to his faith, he 
receives impurity and profanation. 

" Again, if one could be baptized among heretics, he 
might also receive remission of sins : and with remission 
of sins, sanctification ; and he is made the temple of God. 
But, I ask, of what God? Not of the Creator; for in 
Him he believes not. Not of Christ ; for he denies that 
Christ is God. Not of the Holy Ghost; f)r since the Three 
are one God, how can the Holy Ghost be propitiated by him, 
who is the enemy either of the Father or of the Son ?" 

Such expressions were of course open to the imputation 
of bigotry, from those who could not understand, that the 
most energetic maintenance of the truth, the utmost 
hatred of error, is not inconsistent with true love, and 
personal forbearance. Against the pseudo-charity, there- 
fore, or liberalism of some, he presents the following 
admirable exposition of a passage from the epistle to the 
Philippiiins, which had been claimed then, as it is con- 
tinually now, as favouring such principles. 

" As f(n' the fancy of some, that the words of St. Paul, 
Notwithstanding every way, whether in pretence or truth, 
let Christ be preached, afford any sanction to the proceed- 
ings of heretics, we are convinced that they give no sup- 
port either to heretics or to their abettors. For, in truth, 


St. Paul was not speaking of heretics, or of any thing 
concerning them. The two classes of persons whose 
preaching he mentions, were both of the brethren ; though 
some were disorderly in their conduct, and regardless of 
the laws of the Church, while the rest preserved the truth 
of the Gospel with a due reverence and fear. Now while 
some of these constantly and boldly preached the word of 
the Lord, and some of envy and ill will ; while some 
maintained a sincere love for his person, but others were 
filled with hatred and malevolence; he patiently endured 
all, since, whether in pretence or in truth, the name of 
Christ, which he also preached, came to the knowledge of 
many; and the preaching of all, though perhaps some 
were novices and imperfectly taught, yet prevailed to the 
spread of truth. Now surely it is one thing for those who 
are within the Church to speak of Christ ; and another 
for those who are without the Church, and its enemies, to 
baptize in the name of Christ. Let not those then who 
would vindicate the proceedings of heretics, adduce the 
expressions of St. Paul concerning brethren : but let them 
point out some place in which he grants that any thing is 
to be conceded to heretics, in which he approves their 
faith and baptism, in which he has taught that they who 
are in schism, and are blasphemers, can obtain remission 
of their sins, without the pale of the Church." He then 
proceeds to note what St. Paul does say of heretics, and 
of the zeal with which we should oppose their errors ; and 
the fear with which we should renounce their fellowship. 

The argument of expediency was also pressed against 
St. Cyprian's rule ; it was objected, that the necessity of 
being baptized would repel heretics from the Church, and 
that it would bring on the Church unnecessary odium. 
These objections St. Cyprian answers with characteristic 
courage and decision, plainly declaring, that in such cases 
the boldest way, that of the highest principle is the best. 
As for the heretics, if their baptism be admitted, it will 
tend to make them think, from the very testimony of the 
Church, that they in their separation are not cut off from 

000 CYrRIAN. 

(he privilege of true Christians ; but if they find that their 
baptism is disallowed, they will perhaps, be alarmed into 
a more serious view of their position, and make the greater 
haste to regain the privileges which they have lost. As 
for the dreaded odium of rebajotizing : if we dare not incur 
this, shall we not involve ourselves in a greater difficulty? 
for if we grant a true baptism to heretics, we grant that 
not right and prescription, but mere and usurped poiises- 
sion, is the only title to this privilege : and thus one of 
the noblest parts of the appanage of the Church is not 
only seized by others, but yielded by ourselves. But how 
perilous it may be to surrender our rights in spiritual 
matters, we are divinely taught by the example of Esau ; 
who found no place for repentance, having sold his birth- 

Stephen from the first interfered in the question with 
extreme arrogance, and with an intemperance which we 
are at a loss to reconcile with the charity of a Christian 
Jiishop. Cyprian and the Church of Carthage laboured 
for peace, but in vain, and the last effort which the Africans 
made to retain peace with Rome, seems to have been after 
Stephen had so scandalously abused Cyprian, as to call 
him a false Christ, a false Apostle, a deceitful worker; 
and after he had fulminated his excommunications against 
the whole Church of Carthage. Even after this the 
Africans sent messengers to Rome to bring things to a 
better state if possible ; but their message was rejected, 
and their envoys treated with disrespect and contumely. 

Things being now in such a deplorable condition, 
Cyprian, seeking countenance in the consent of good and 
great men in the Church, communicated the whole affair 
to Firmilian, one of those Asiatic Bishops who were 
already in the same condemnation with himself, and for 
the same cause. Firmilian had been a pupil of Origen ; 
he was Bishop of Cesaraea, in Cappadocia, and was a 
prelate of great note in his day : and his long reply to 
Cyprian's communication amply sustains his character 
with posterity. 


It is enough to add, that his judgment is wholly the 
same as that of Cyprian. 

But the most important step which Cyprian took was 
the calling a council of eighty-five bishops, at which also 
the priests and deacons with much people were present, 
and at which, without a single dissentient voice, the judg- 
ment of Cyprian was affirmed. Thus the eighty-five 
bishops assembled at this council, with two others who 
voted therein by proxy, unanimously agreed, that heretics 
ought to be baptized on their conversion to the Church ; 
and thus, by their synodical act, they deliberately chose 
the condemnation of Stephen and his Church, before 
a submission to that authority, when their consciences 
were opposed to its dictates. They were already, indeed, 
excommunicated by Stephen ; unless we rather hold with 
Firmilian, that Stephen, by his excommunication of the 
African churches, had cut himself off from the Church of 
Christ. But in thus voluntarily binding the burden of 
his anathema upon themselves, rather than bending be- 
neath the weight of a new custom imposed by his Church, 
surely the African bishops in the council spoke volumes, 
as to their judgment of Rome as an infallible Church, and 
of her bishop as the centre of unity. 

The external peace of the Church, which left opportu- 
nity for these internal discords, was disturbed, before they 
were well hushed. Valerian had been hitherto most 
friendly to the Christians, but now, at the instigation of 
his minister, Macrianus, he became a persecutor, and 
issued decrees to the several parts of his empire, for the 
suppression of Christianity. 

In September, '^57, the imperial edict reached Carthage, 
where Paternus was pro-consul ; and Cyprian, as the most 
prominent in character and office among the Christians, 
was the first to be summoned before the heathen tribunal. 
Of what passed on that occasion, we have a circumstantial 
record in the acts of St. Cyprian, bishop and martyr. 

" The most sacred Emperors, Valerianus and Gallienus, 
-have honoured me with their commands," said Paternus, 

VOL. IV. 2 M 


•' to exact of those, who worship not the gods of Rome, a 
due recognitioD of the Roman rites. I would examine 
you therefore concerning your name and profession : what 
is your answer ?" I am a Christian", said Cyprian, " and 
a Bishop. I know no other gods but that One only and 
true God, who made heaven and earth, the sea and 
all that therein is. Him do we Christians serve : Him 
night and day do we supplicate for ourselves, for all men, 
and for the preservation of the Emperors themselves." 
Paternus asked ; "Do you persist in this determina- 
tion ?" Cyprian replied : " A good determination, taken 
up in the knowledge of God, is unchangeable." " Are 
you ready, then," said the j^ro-cousul, " according to the 
edict of Valerian and Gallienus, to be exiled to the city of 
Gurubis?" " I am ready," said Cyprian. 

Then the pro-consul, having thus received the profession 
of Cyprian, and appointed the place of his banishment, 
endeavoured to extort from him the name of others who 
were obnoxious to the same sentence. " My commission 
extends," said he, " not only to the bishops, but also to 
the presbyters of your party : 1 ask you, then, who are the 
presbyters in the city ?" The bishop replied, " your laws 
have well provided against the abuse of informers ; in 
obedience to them I refuse to betray my brethren : they 
may be found, however, in their own places." " But I 
will know who they are now, and in this place," said 
Paternus. Cyprian said, "It is equally contrary to the 
discipline of their order, and to the spirit of your laws, 
that they should expose themselves unforced : yet they 
may be found by you, if you do but seek them out." 
Paternus said, "They shall be found out: for I have 
commanded that none shall hold assemblies any where, 
nor enter your cemeteries ; and if any venture to dis- 
obey this wholesome provision they shall suffer death." 
Cyprian replied : " Obey the orders which you have 

Cyprian had been eleven months in his exile, and in 
the interval Galerius Maximus had succeeded Aspasius 


Paternus in the proconsulate. The new proconsul recalled 
Cyprian, though not for any purposes of mercy ; but 
rather, in all probability, that he might be more entirely 
within his power. 

At length the glorious day of his martyrdom dawned, 
and he was conveyed to the residence of the proconsul, 
still accompanied by his affectionate children in the faith. 
When he arrived at the Praetorium, the proconsul had 
not yet taken his seat on the tribunal ; he was permitted 
therefore to retire to a less public place, and there, hot 
and tired with his journey, he reclined on a seat which 
had been accidently left covered with a linen cloth : so 
that in the very article of his passion, he was not without 
some insignia of his sacred function. One of the guard, 
who had formerly been a Christian, offered him a change 
of vestments, proposing to keep the garments of the 
martyr as a valuable relic ; but Cyprian rejected the 
proffered luxury, observing on the folly of too solicitous 
a use of remedies for those evils, which can last but for 
a day. 

At length Galerius Maximus assumed his place in the 
judgment-hall, and Cyprian being brought before him, he 
said, " Art thou Thascius Cyprian ?" Cyprian answered, 
**Iam." "Art thou he," said Maximus, "who hath 
borne the highest offices of their religion, among the 
Christians ?" " Yes," answered the bishop. " The most 
sacred Emperors have commanded that you offer sacrifice," 
said the proconsul. "I will not offer sacrifice," replied 
Cyprian. " Be persuaded," said the proconsul, " for your 
own sake." Cyprian replied, "Do thou as thou hast 
received orders : for me, in so just a cause, no persuasion 
can move me." After these words he pronounced from 
his tablet, " Let Thascius Cyprian be beheaded." 

" Thanks be to God !" said Cyprian : and the crowd of 
Christians who surrounded him exclaimed, " Let us die 
with him !" 

The holy martyr was then led away, followed by a great 
concourse of people, to an open field near the place where 


he had received his sentence ; and having put o£F the rest 
of his garments, and committed them to the deacous, he 
first prostrated himself in pra3^er to God, and then stood 
in his inner vestments, prepared for the fatal stroke. He 
tied the bandage over his eyes with his own hands ; and 
that he might owe that office to friends which he could not 
himself perform, Julian, a presbyter, and a sub-deacon of 
the same name, bound his hands. To the executioner he 
appropriated a gift of twenty-five pieces of gold : the 
Christians, whose avarice was not mercenary, sought no 
other memorials than handkerchiefs dyed with the blood 
of their bishop. The body was for a while exposed to the 
gaze of the heathen ; but having been removed by night, 
by the brethren, it was buried in the Mappalian way. 
Two churches afterwards marked the spots which had 
been consecrated by his death and by his burial. 

Thus died Thascius Csecilius Cyprian, with a courage 
too common in those days to excite our surprise, but of 
such intrinsic merit as to demand our admiration. He 
was the first Bishop of Carthage who had attained to the 
crown of martyrdom ; and he was truly worthy of this 
high distinction. Few men have more forcibly arrested 
.the affections of their associates : few have more powerfully 
influenced the opinions of others ; none have been more 
honoured by posterity. The wish which broke from the 
tumultuous assembly at his condemnation, to die with 
him, was uttered afterwards coolly and solemnly by his 
deacon Pontius : but his widowed Church rather lamented 
her own misfortune than his ; and soon learned to glory 
in his crown more than she lamented her own loss. His 
name was long a household word with the Church which 
he had governed, and even the heathen paid to his 
memory the tribute of respect. — The Life, or rather Pane- 
gyric, of St. Cyprian by Pontius his Deacon. The Life of 
Cyprian in the Benedictine Edition of his Works, and in 
that of Bishops Pearson and Fell: and Poole s Life and 
Times of St. Cyprian. 

CYRIL. 365 


Saint Cyril, of Jerusalem, was born probably about 
the year 315, and though the place of his birth is unknown, 
he was certainly educated at Jerusalem. He was ordained 
deacon probably by Macarius, and priest by Maximus, 
Bishops of Jerusalem, the latter of whom he succeeded in 
349 or 350. Shortly before this, in 347 or 348, before he 
was bishop, he delivered the Catechetical Lectures which 
have come down to us. The circumstances of his conse- 
cration were unfortunate, it being certain that Acacius of 
Oaesarea, was one of his consecrators, and Acacius was 
one of the leaders of Arianism in the East, who, in 347, 
had been deposed by the council of Sardica. It ought to 
be remembered, however, that the council of Sardica was 
at first as little acknowledged by the Orthodox as by the 
Arians, and Cyril was a moderate man, avoiding as much 
as possible party spirit ; when, therefore, he was canonically 
consecrated by the Bishops of the province, and among 
them Acacius appeared, he did not object to him. But 
St. Cyril did not remain long on good terms with Acacius. 
Acacius, notwithstanding his deposition by the council of 
Sardica, continued to occupy the see of Csesarea, and he 
soon entered into a controversy on the subject of his 
metropolitan rights w^ith St. Cyril, who, possessing an 
apostolical see, alleged, that he was independent of his 
jurisdiction ; the difference between them was augmented 
by the opposition of their opinions : for Acacius preached 
up Arianism, and St. Cyril followed the Catholic faith, 
maintaining the consubstantiality of the Son, and accusing 
the other of error in his faith. Acacius, who had a piercing 
wit, and was very active, was before-hand with St. Cyril, 
and cited him frequently ; but St. Cyril, not acknowledging 
him as his superior, took care not to appear. During 
this time Acacius made use of the pretence of his not 
appearing to get him deposed in a council, for having 
refused for two successive years to answer the accusations 

VOL IV. 2n 

366 CYRIL, 

alleged against him : the chief heads of the accusation 
against St. Cyril were, that he had sold the treasures of 
the Church. True it is, that the territories of Jerusalem 
being afflicted with famine, the people chiefly applied to 
St. Cyril for relief ; but as he had no money, he sold cer- 
tain vessels and rich stuffs which were reserved for the 
service of the Church. It was alleged, that after this, a 
certain person met an actress dressed in a rich stuff which 
himself had given to the Church ; upon which, he with 
great exactness informed himself where she had got it, 
and found that she had bought it of a shop-keeper who 
had bought it of the Bishop. These are the pretences 
which Acacius made use of to depose St. Cyril. 

Not believing himself justly condemned, he appealed to 
a higher tribunal, and sent the appeal to those who had 
opposed him ; the Emperor Constantius authorized this 
appeal, yet was it esteemed irregular, and St. Cjril accused 
for being the first that ever appealed from an ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction, as if it had been a secular tribunal. Acacius 
not only deposed St. Cyril, but also drove him out of 
Jerusalem : Cyril went to Antioch, which he found with- 
out a Bishop, for Leontius was dead, and had not yet 
a successor. He therefore went to Tarsus, and lived with 
Sylvanus the Bishop. Acacius being informed of it, wrote 
to Sylvanus, and gave him an account of St. Cyril's being 
deposed ; but notwithstanding this, Sylvanus did not hin- 
der him from officiating in the Church, as well on account 
of the respect which he had for him, as in consideration of 
the people who received his instructions with a great deal 
of satisfaction. 

Although, during his exile, he certainly associated occa- 
sionally with Semi-Arians, yet his orthodoxy is, from his 
works, unquestionable. In 359, two years after his depo- 
sition, he appealed with success against Acacius to the 
council of Seleucia, but the' next year, through, the influ- 
ence of Acacius with the Emperor Constantius, he was 
again deposed, and banished from Palestine. 

CYRIL. 367 

On the accession of Julian the Apostate, who desired to 
sow the seeds of confusion in all the Churches, the ban- 
ished Bishops were permitted to return to their sees ; and 
in 365 Cyril returned to Jerusalem. And here he wit- 
nessed Julian's attempt to rebuild the temple, and from 
the prophecies predicted its failure. 

To rebuild the temple was thought by the apostate 
Emperor to be the surest method of refuting Christianity, 
and of proving our prophecies to be unworthy of credit. 
He encouraged the Jews, therefore, to set about the work. 
Never was any miracle more fully confirmed by evidence 
than this. Bishop Warburton has ably answered all that 
can be advanced by the sceptics, and even the sceptical 
Jortin is obliged to confess, "after all, it is an ugly circum- 
stance, I wish we could get fairly rid of it." The uglines.s 
of the circumstance being, that Archdeacon Jortin was 
determined not to believe, and yet could give no sound 
reason for his infidelity; for, as Bishop Warburton remarks : 
*' No believer, but must conclude that God would indeed 
interpose to vindicate the character of His Son : no man, 
but must confess that to support a religion like this, was 
an occasion worthy the interposition of the Lord of all 

The account of the failure of this attempt to rebuild the 
temple, shall be given in the words of Arminianus Mar- 
cellinus, a heathen, and an admirer of Julian. " Julian 
committed the conduct of this affair to Alypius of Antioch, 
who formerly had been lieutenant in Britain. When, there- 
fore, this Alypius had set himself to the vigorous execu- 
tion of his charge, in which he had all the assistance that 
the governor of the province could afford him, horrible 
balls of fire breaking out near the foundations, with fre- 
quent and reiterated attacks, rendered the place from time 
to time inaccessible to the scorched and blasted workmen, 
and the victorious element continuing in this manner, 
obstinately and resolutely bent, as it were, to drive them 
to a distance, Alypius thought best to give over the enter- 

368 CYRIL. 

St. Cyril was again driven into banishment under the 
Arian Emperor Valens, and remained in exile from 367 
to 378. 

Valens was the last of the x\rian Emperors, and 
with him the Arian party fell in the East. A union 
between all Christian Churches then took place, as they 
had been kept asunder rather by party prejudices than 
by principles, the differences having been fostered 
by the ambition of eloquent Arian preachers. In the 
second general council, held at Constantinople, in 381, U> 
appease the troubles of the East, and to condemn the 
heresy of Macedonius, who blasphemously taught that the 
Holy Ghost was a creature, we find Gregory of Nyssa, 
Gregory Nazianzen, and Meletius of Antioch, sitting with 
Cyril, and all of them united in sentiment. By this 
council he was restored to his see ; and, as if to refute the 
calumny of his being an Arian, he is described as " the 
Reverend and religious Cyril, in many ways and places a 
withstander of the Arians." He died about 386. 

" I know of no writer," says Dr. Waterland, " who has 
given a fuller, or clearer, or in the main, juster account of 
the holy Eucharist, than this the elder Cyril has done ; 
though he has often been strangely misconstrued by con- 
tending parties. The true and ancient notions of the 
Eucharist came now to be digested into somewhat of a 
more regular and accurate form, and the manner of speak- 
ing of it became, as it were, fixed and settled upon rules 
of art. Cyril expresses himself thus, ' receive we [the 
Eucharist] with all fulness of faith, as the Body and Blood 
of Christ : for, under the type [or symbol] of bread, you 
have His body given you, and under the type [symbol] of 
wine, you receive His Blood ; that so partaking of the 
Body and Blood of Christ, you may become flesh of His 
Flesh, and blood of His Blood. For, by this means, we 
carry Christ about us, in as much as His Body and Blood 
are distributed into our members : thus do we become, 
according to St. Peter, partakers of the Divine nature.' 
The doctrine here taught is, that in the Eucharist wo 

CYRIL. 369 

receive (not literally, but symbolically) the natural Body 
and Blood of Christ ; just as the priests of old, in eating 
the sacrifices, symbolically, but effectually, ate up the sins 
of the people, or as the faithful Israelites, in eating manna 
and drinking of the rock, effectually fed upon Christ. 
The symbolical Body and Blood are here supposed by our 
author to supply the place of the natural, and to be in 
construction and beneficial effect (not substantially) the 
same thing with it ; and so he speaks of our becoming 
by that means one flesh and one blood with Christ, mean- 
ing it in as high a sense, as all the members of Christ 
are one body, or as man and wife are one flesh. We carry 
Christ about us, as we are mystically united to Him. 
His Body and Blood are considered as intermingled with 
ours, when the symbols of them really and strictly are so : 
for the benefit is completely the same ; and God accepts 
of such symbolical union, making it, to all saving pur- 
poses and intents, as effectual, as any the most real could 
be. Cyril never thought of any presence of Christ's 
natural Body and Blood in the Sacrament, excepting in 
mystery and figure, (which he expresses by the word type) 
and in real benefits and privileges. 

" He goes on to obseiTe, that our Lord once told the 
Jews (John vi. 54.) of eating His flesh, &c. And they not 
understanding that it was spoken spiritually, [but taking 
the thing literally.] were offended at it, as if He had been 
persuading them to devour His flesh. Hence it appears 
farther, that our author was no friend to the gross, literal 
construction. He proceeds as follows ; ' Under the New 
Testament we have that heavenly bread, and a cup of 
salvation, sanctifying both body and soul; for as bread 
answers to body, so the logos suits with the soul.' This 
thought may be compared with another of Clemens above, 
somewhat like, and somewhat different. But both agree 
in two main points, that the Eucharist sanctifies the 
worthy receiver both in body and soul, and that Christ is 
properly present in His divine nature. Wherefore Cyril 

370 CYRIL. 

had the more reason for pressing his exhortation after- 
wards in high and lofty terms : ' consider them [the ele- 
ments] not as mere bread and wine ; for by our Lord's 
express declaration, they are the Body and Blood of 
Christ. And though your taste may suggest that to you, 
[viz. that they are mere bread and wine,] yet let your faith 
keep you firm. Judge not of the thing by your taste, but 
under a full persuasion of faith, be ye undoubtedly 
assured, that you are vouchsafed the Body and Blood of 
Christ.' This he said to draw off the minds of his audi- 
ence from low and carnal apprehensions, that so they 
might view those mysteries with the eye of faith, and not 
merely with the eye of sense ; might look through the 
outward sign, to the inward thing signified, and regale 
their spiritual taste more than the sensual. This is what 
Cyril really meant : though some mbderns, coming to 
read him either with transubstantiation or consubstantia- 
tion in their heads, have amused themselves with odd 
constructions of very innocent words. 

" As to his exhorting his audience not to take the ele- 
ments for mere bread and wine, it is just such another 
kind of address as he had before made to them, first in 
relation to the waters of Baptism, and next with regard to 
the Chrism. ' Look not to this laver, as to ordinary 
water, but (attend) to the grace conferred with the water.' 
Would any sensible man conclude from hence, that the 
water was transubstantiated, according to our author, into 
some other substance ; Let us go on to what he says of 
the chrism. ' Have a care of suspecting that this is ordi- 
nary ointment, [or mere ointment;] for, like as the sacra- 
mental bread, after the invocation of the Holy Spirit, is 
no more bare bread, but the Body of Christ, so also this 
holy unguent is no more bare ointment, nor to be called 
common, after the invocation ; but it is the grace of Christ " 
and of the Holy Spirit, endowed with special energy by 
the presence of His Godhead ; and it is symbolically 
spread over the forehead and other parts of the body. So 

CYRIL. 371 

then the body is anointed with the visible unguent, but 
the soul is sanctioned by the enlivening Spirit.' 

" I cite not this, as approving all that Cyril has here said 
of the chrism, (not standing upon Scripture authority,) 
but to give light to what he has said of the Eucharist, 
which he compares with the other, while he supposes the 
cases parallel. He conceived the elements in one case, 
and the unguent in the other, to be exhibitive symbols of 
spiritual graces, instrumentally conveying what they repre- 
sent. The bread and wine, according to his doctrine, are 
symbolically the Body and Blood : and by symbolically 
he means the very same thing which I have otherwise 
expressed by saying, that they are the Body and Blood in 
just construction and beneficial efifect. What Cyril feared 
with respect to Baptism, and the Eucharist, and the 
Unction, was, that many in low life (coming perhaps from 
the plough, the spade, or the pale) might be dull of appre- 
hension, and look no higher than to what they saw, felt, 
or tasted. Upon the like suspicion was grounded the 
ancient solemn preface to the Communion Service, called 
Sursum Corda by the Latins : wherein the officiating 
minister admonished the communicants to lift up their 
hearts, and they made answer. We lift them up unto the 

" To make the point we have been upon still plainer, 
let Cyril be heard again, as he expresses the thing in a 
succeeding lecture. ' You hear the Psalmist with divine 
melody inviting you to the communion of the holy mys- 
teries, and saying, Taste and see how gracious the Lord 
is. Leave it not to the bodily palate to judge : no, but to 
faith clear of all doubting. For the tasters are not com- 
manded to taste bread and wine, but the antitype [sym- 
bol] of the Body and Blood of Christ.' Here our author 
plainly owns the elements to be types, or symbols, (as he 
had done also before,) and therefore not the very things 
whereof they are symbols ; not literally and strictly, but 
interpretatively, mystically, and to all saving pui^poses and 

372 CYRIL. 

intents ; which suflaces. It is no marvel if Mr. Toutee 
and other Romanists interpret Cjril to quite another 
purpose : but one may justly wonder how the learned and 
impartial Dr. Grabe should construe Cyril in that gross 
sense, which he mentions under the name of augmenta- 
tion. I presume, he read Cyril with an eye to modern 
controversy, and did not consider him as speaking to 
mechanics and day-labourers : or, he was not aware of the 
difference there is, between telling men what they are to 
believe, and what they ought to attend to, which was 
Cyril's chief aim. As to believing, he very well knew that 
every one would believe his senses, and take bread to be 
bread, and wine to be wine, as himself believed also : but 
he was afraid of their attending so entirely to the report 
of their senses, as to forget the reports of sacred Writ, 
which ought to be considered at the same time, and with 
closer attention than the other, as being of everlasting 
concernment. In short, he intended no lecture of faith 
against eyesight : but he endeavoured, as much as possi- 
ble, to draw off their attention from the objects of sense 
to the object of faith, and from the signs to the things 

' "It has been urged, as of moment, that Cyril compared 
the change made in the Eucharist to the miraculous 
change of water into wine wrought by our Lord in Cana 
of Galilee. It is true that he did so : but similitudes 
commonly are no arguments of any thing more than of 
some general resemblance. There was power from above 
in that case, and so is there in this : and it may be justly 
called a supernatural power; not upon the elements 
to change their nature, but upon the communicants to 
add spiritual strength to their souls. The operation in 
the Eucharist is no natural work of any creature, but 
the supernatural grace of God's Holy Spirit. Therefore 
Cyril's thought was not much amiss, in resembling one 
supernatural operation to another, agreeing in the general 
thing, differing in specialities. In a large sense of the 

CYRIL. 373 

word miracle, there are miracles of grace, as well as 
miracles of nature ; and the same Divine power operates 
in both, but in a different way, as the ends and objects 
are different." 

Socrates. Sozomen. Theodoret. Cave. Warhiirton. Wa- 
terland. Ammiamis MarcelUnus. 

This Father was raised up by the Providence of God 
to defend the faith of the Incarnation of His only Be- 
gotten Son, of which mystery he is styled the doctor, as 
St. Augustine is the doctor of the mystery of grace. He 
was brought up under Serapion, on Mount Nitria. He 
displayed great diligence in study, and is said to have 
known the New Testament by heart. After five years' 
abode on Mount Nitria, his uncle Theophilus, Bishop of 
Alexandria, summoned him to that town, and ordained 
him. He expounded and preached with great reputation. 
The works of Origen he held in abhorrence, and would 
neither read them himself nor have communication with 
those who did ; but he was well read in the works of the 
Fathers who preceded him. In the year 412 he suc- 
ceeded his uncle in the see of Alexandria. His election, 
however, was not carried without difficulty, as many 
wished to elect the Archdeacon Timotheus. Abundantius, 
who commanded the forces, took part with the latter, 
and a tumult actually occurred : however, Cyril prevail- 
ed, and was enthroned three days after the death of 
Theophilus. The victory which he had gained over the 
opposite party, gave him more authority than Theophilus 
himself had enjoyed ; and from that time the bishops 
of Alexandria exceeded a little the limits of the spi- 
ritual power, and assumed some share in the temporal 
government. The first thing Cyril did was to shut up 
the churches of the Novatians, and to seize on all their 

VOL. ly. 3 o 

374 CYRIL. 

The early days of his episcopate were days of trouble ; 
a«d several circumstances occurred in which it is impos- 
sible to justify the conduct of Cyril. The impetuosity of 
his temper hurried him into some excesses. He was thus 
active in driving the Jews from Alexandria, under the 
following circumstances. One day, as Orestes, governor 
of the city, was making proclamations in the theatre, 
several Christians, who were attached to the bishop, drew 
near to hear the ordinances of the governor ; and among 
others, a certain man named Hierax, who was master of a 
crrammar school, a zealous auditor of the bishop, and a 
most active man in exciting plaudits in his sermons. 
The Jews, always hostile to the Christians, and at that 
time particularly provoked on the subject of certain 
dancers, seeing Hierax in the theatre, immediately cried 
out that he only came to excite a tumult. Orestes had 
been long offended at the power of the bishops, which 
lessened that of the governors, and therefore believing 
that St. Cyril meant to control his ordinances, he caused 
Hierax to be seized, and scourged publicly in the theatre. 
When St. Cyril heard this, he sent for the principal Jews, 
and threatened them with severe punishments, unless 
they gave over raising tumults against the Christians ; 
but this only exasperated the multitude the more. They 
resolved to attack the Christians by night, and having 
taken for a sign of recognition among themselves rings 
made of the bark of young palm-branches, they cried 
through the city that the church of Alexandria was on fire. 
The Christians repaired thither from all parts, and the 
Jews fell upon them, and killed a great number of them. 
On the next day the authors of this massacre were dis- 
covered, and St. Cyril went with a great body of people 
to the Jews' synagogues, and having taken possession of 
them, he expelled the Jews from the city, and delivered 
up their property to be plundered. Thus were the Jews 
expelled from Alexandria, where they lived ever since the 
time of Alexander the Great, its founder. Orestes took 
this proceeding very ill, and looked upon it as a great 

CYEIL. 375 

misfortune, that such a city should lose at once so great a 
number of inhabitants. He made his rejoort of the matter 
to the Emperor, to whom St. Cyril likewise wrote an ac- 
count of the crimes of the Jews. 

However, being solicited by the people, he sent to 
Orestes lo propose a reconciliation, and conjured him to 
agree to it, even by the books of the Gospels ; but Orestes 
would not hear of it. Then the monks of Mount Nitria, 
who had zealously espoused the interest of the Bishop 
Theophilus against Dioscorus, and the Four Brothers, left 
their monasteries and came to Alexandria, to the number 
of five hundred. They kept watch for the governor 
Orestes as he was going abroad in his chariot ; and 
coming up to him, they called him pagan and idolater, 
with other injurious names. Orestes suspecting that 
Cyril had laid a snare for him, cried out that he was a 
Christian, and that he had been baptized by the Bishop 
Atticus at Constantinople : but the monks would not hear 
him, and one of them, whose name was Ammonius, stnick 
him on the head with a stone, which covered him with 
blood. His officers, terrified at the shower of stones, dis- 
persed ; but the people came to his assistance, and put 
the monks to flight. Ammonius was taken, and carried 
before the governor, who brought him to trial, and tortured 
him to death. St. Cyril took up his body and laid it in 
a church, changing his name into that of Thaumasius, or 
"Admirable," and would have had him acknowledged for 
a martyr, but the wisest among the Christians did not 
approve of this proceeding, for they saw that Ammonius 
had undergone the punishment of his rashness, and soon 
after St. Cyril himself suffered the affair to drop into 
silence and oblivion. 

The people did not stop there. They pretended that 
an illustrious lady, named Hypatia, prevented the prsefect 
Orestes from being reconciled to the bishop. She was 
daughter to the philosopher Theon, and so learned that 
she excelled all the philosophers of her time. She had 
succeeded to the Platonic school, and taught in public, so 

376 CYRIL. 

that people came to her from all parts : and we have 
several letters from Synesius to her, in which he acknow- 
ledges himself her disciple. Her learning was attended 
with great modesty, which gained her much respect and 
influence with the magistrates. She used often to see 
Orestes, which gave occasion to the suspicion that she 
incensed him against St. Cyril. On this a set of violent 
men, headed by a reader named Peter, watched for her 
one day, as she was going home to her house, pulled her 
out of her carriage, and dragged her to the church called 
CsEsareum ; they stripped off her clothes, killed her with 
the blows of broken pots, tore her to pieces, and burned 
her limbs at a place called Cinaro. " This action," says 
the historian Socrates, " brought great reproach upon 
Cyril, and on the Church of Alexandria ; for such acts of 
violence are very far removed from Christianity." Then 
he adds, " This happened in the fourth year of the 
episcopate of Cyril, under the tenth consulate of Hono- 
rius, and the sixth of Theodosius, in the month of 
March, during the Fasts," that is, in the Lent of tlie 
year 415. 

After this we hear little of St. Cyril until the com- 
mencement of the Nestorian controversy in 529. We 
may therefore presume that he was growing in that grace 
by which his natural impetuosity of character ripened into 
real Christian zeal. He shewed himself indeed during 
this time open to conviction ; for, having inherited from 
his uncle, the late bishop, certain prejudices against 
St Chrysostom, he listened to the persuasions of Isidore 
of Pelusium, and set down his name in the Ecclesiastical 
Ptegister, thereby declaring that his deposition had been 
unjust. The churches of Egypt, Lilvya, and Pentapolis, 
had, before this, taken the opposite side in this question. 
Tha Pope of Rome had no more authority in those days 
than any other patriarch ; for, from the time of the depo- 
sition of St. Chrysostom until this year 419, the churches 
of Alexandria and of Rome, differing on this subject, were 
not in communion ; the communion between the two 

CYRIL. 377 

churches was now restored. From this it will be seen 
that communion with the see of Rome was not regarded 
by the Alexandrians, any more than now by Anglicans, as 

The origin of the Nestorian controversy was this : Nes- 
torius, being aj^pointed Bishop of Constantinople, brought 
with him from Antioch the priest Anastasius, his syn- 
cellus and confidant. He preaching one day in the 
church of Constantinople said, " Let no one call Mary 
mother of God ; for she was a woman, and it is impossible 
that God should be born of a human creature." These 
words gave great offence to many both of the clergy and 
laity: "for they had always been taught," says the his- 
torian Socrates, " to acknowledge Jesus Christ as God, 
and not to sever Him in any way from the Divinity." 
Nestorius, however, declared his assent to what the priest 
xlnastasius had thus advanced, and several sermons which 
he delivered on the subject are still extant. 

Immense excitement was occasioned, not only at Con- 
stantinople, but throughout the provinces of the east and 
west, especially when certain sermons were published by 
Nestorius, asserting the heresy more distinctly. These 
sermons were circulated among the monasteries of Egypt, 
and were discussed among the monks. 

St. Cyril, apprehensive that the error might take root, 
wrote an encyclical letter to the monks of Egypt, wherein 
he says that they would have done better wholly to have 
refrained from questions of so great difficulty, and that 
what he writes to them is intended, not to keep up the 
dispute, but to arm them in defence of the truth. " I 
wonder," says he, " how a question can be raised as to 
whether the Holy Virgin should be called Mother of God ; 
for if our Lord Jesus Christ is God, how is not the Holy 
Virgin, His mother, Mother of God ? This is the faith 
we have been taught by the Apostles, although they did 
not make use of this expression ; it is the doctrine of our 
fathers, among the rest of Athanasius, of blessed memory," 

^'8 CYRIL. 

and he quotes two passages in support of his statement. 
He next proves that He Who was born of the Holy Virgin 
is God in His ow^n nature, since the Nicene Creed sajs 
that the onl}^ begotten son of God, of the same substance 
with the Father, Himself came down from heaven, and 
w^as incarnate. He proceeds : " You will say, perhaps. 
Is the Virgin, then, mother of the Divinity ? We answer. 
It is certain that the Word is eternal, and of the sub- 
stance of the Father. Now in the order of nature, 
mothers, who have no part in the creation of the soul, are 
still called mothers of the whole man, and not of the 
body only;— for surely it would be a hypercritical refine- 
ment to say Elizabeth is mother of the body of John 
and not of his soul. In the same way, then, we express 
ourselves in regard to the birth of Emmanuel ; t^ince 
the Word having taken flesh upon Him, is called the Son 
of Man." 

Nestorius was extremely irritated by this letter, and 
endeavoured to injure St. Cyril by suborning men to 
calumniate and accuse him to himself and the Emperor. 
St. Cyril wrote in vain to expostulate with Nestorius, 
whose violence against his opponents exceeded all bounds* 
and caused a petition to be presented to the Emperors 
Theodosius and Valentinian to assemble a general coun- 
cil. St. Cyril, hearing of these things, wrote a second 
letter to Nestorius, in the year 430. 

In this letter St. Cyril first observes that he is aware 
of the calumnies with which he has been aspersed, and 
that the authors of them are known to him ; but unwil- 
ling to dwell on this ungrateful topic, he turns to 
Nestorius himself and exhorts him, as his brother, to 
reform his doctrine, and by giving in his adhesion to the 
doctrine of the Fathers, to put an end to the offence he 
had caused. He then enters upon an exposition of the 
mystery of the Incarnation, and says, " We must admit 
in the name of Christ two generations ; first, the eternal, 
by which He proceeds from His Father ; second, the tern- 

CYRIL. 379 

poral, whereby He is born of His mother. When we say 
that He suffered, and rose again, we do not say that God 
the Word suffered in His own nature, for the Divinity 
is impassible ; but because the body which was appro- 
priated to Him suffered, we also say that He suffered 
Himself. So too we say that He died. The Divine 
Word is in His own nature immortal, He is life itself ; 
but because His own true body suffered death, we say that 
He Himself died for us. In the same way, when His 
flesh is raised from the dead, we attribute resurrection to 
Him. We do not say that we adore the man along with 
the Word, lest the phrase along with should suggest the 
idea of their non-identity ; but we adore Him as one and 
the same person, because the body assumed by the Word 
is in no degree external to or separated from the Word," 
And afterwards ; " It is in this sense that the Fathers 
have ventured to call the tloly Virgin ' Mother of God ;' 
not that the nature of the Word, or His Divinity, did 
receive beginning of His existence from the Holy Virgin, 
because in her was formed and animated with a reason- 
able soul that sacred Body to which the Word united 
Himself in hypostasis, which is the reason of its being 
said that He was born according to the flesh." In the 
course of this letter he frequently repeats the words 
{■/My vTvoo-roLo-i)) Evajo-i?) 'union in hypostasis;' feeling the 
inadequacy of the Greek word it^oarwTtov, which we ordi- 
narily render ' person,' and which does not express the 
idea of unity with sufficient strength. The first time 
that we meet with the expression, ' hypostatical union,' is 
in this letter, by far the most celebrated of all that 
St. Cyril wrote to Nestorius. 

It was probably about the same time and on the same 
occasion that St. Cyril wrote to those of his clergy who 
resided at Constantinople, commenting on the proposi- 
tions of peace that were offered on the part of Nestorius. 
" I have read the memorial you sent me," he says, " and 
see from it that the priest Anastasius has been convers- 
ing with you and pretending he seeks for peace, and that 

380 CYKIL. 

he said to jou, ' Our belief agrees with what he has 
written to the monks;' and then proceeding to what he 
really had in view, he says of me, ' He has himself ad- 
mitted that the Nicene council nowhere makes mention 
of the word Theotocos.' I wrote to say, that the council 
did well not to mention it, because this matter was not 
at that time a subject of controversy ; but in effect, it 
does say that Mary is Mother of God ; since it says that 
the same who was begotten of the Father, was incarnate, 
and suffered." Afterwards, speaking of a writing of 
Nestorius, he says, " He takes pains to prove that the 
body alone suffered, and not God the Word; as if in 
refutation of some who say that the impassible Word is 
passible. No one has ever said anything so absurd. 
His body having suffered, He is said to have suffered 
Himself ; as we may say that the soul of man suffers 
when his body suffers, even when, in strictness, the soul 
is in its own nature free from suffering. But what they 
wish to insinuate is, that there are two Christs, and two 
sons, one properly man, the other properly God, and to 
make a union only of persons, (Prosopwn) ; this is the 
object of their chicanery." 

There are several other letters of St. Cyril, in which he 
expresses his readiness to defend himself in a general 
council, but declares that instead of accepting Nestorius 
as a judge, it was his intention to impeach him as a 
heretic. He wrote also to the royal family, and to the 
Bishop of Rome ; addressing the latter as his equal and 
brother bishop, and seeking only from him that friendly 
advice which he sought from other bishops of the larger 
sees. Celestine, who was at that time Bishop of Rome, 
agreed with St. Cyril in opinion, and gave him full 
authority to refer to the Roman Church as agreeing with 
the orthodox Churches of the East. Very different was 
the treatment which St. Cyril received from another cele- 
brated prelate, John of Antioch, who was the friend and 
ally of Nestorius. 

St. Cyril in this same year, 430, assembled a council 

CYRIL. 381 

at Alexandria, aad in the name of the council wrote a 
synodicai letter to Xestorius, calling upon him to declare 
in writing that he anathematized his impious tenets, and 
that he would believe and teach " what we all of us 
believe ; and when I say ice," he exclaimed, " I include 
all the bishops of the East and West, and all who guide 
the people. The holy council of Rome, and we, are all 
agreed that the letters which have been written to you by 
the Church of Alexandria are orthodox and free from 
error." The reader will here observe, that he mentions 
the Eastern before the Western church; and that he 
refers not to the authority of the see of Rome, but to the 
decisions of a council of that church, quoted simply to 
shew that the Western church agreeing with the churches 
of the East, there was universal consent as to the ortho- 
doxy of the Alexandrian canons. 

This letter concludes with twelve anathemas. 

I. If any man confess not that Emmanuel is very 
God, and consequently the Holy Virgin, Mother of God, 
(since by her, according to the flesh, was conceived the 
Word of God Who became flesh,) let him be anathema. 

II. If any man confess not that the Word Which 
proceeds from God the Father is united to the flesh 
hypostatically, and that with His flesh He makes but 
one only Christ, Who is both God and man, let him be 

III. If any one, after confessing the union, divide 
the hypostases of the only Christ, joining them indeed 
together, but only by a connection of dignity, authority, or 
power, and not by a real union, let him be anathema. 

» IV. If any attribute to two persons, or to two hypos- 
tases, the things which the Apostles and Evangelists 
relate, as spoken concerning Christ by the saints or by 
Himself, and apply some to a man conceived of separately 
as external to the Divine Word, and others (such as he 
deems worthy of God) solely to the Word proceeding from 
the Father; let him be anathema. 

382 CYRIL. 

V. If any dare to say that Christ is a id an who bears 
God with Him, instead of saying that He is God indeed, 
as only Son, and Son by nature, — inasmuch as the Word 
was made flesh, and partook of flesh and blood, even as 
we ; — let him be anathema. 

VI. If any dare to say that the Word proceeding from 
God the Father is the God or Lord of Jesus Christ, in- 
stead of confessing that the same is entirely both God and 
man, — since, according to the Scriptures, the Word was 
made flesh ; — let him be anathema. 

VII. If any man say that Jesus as man was possessed 
by God the Word, and clothed with the glory of the only 
Son, as if He were not identical with Him ; let him be 

VIII. If any dare to say that the man assumed by 
the Word ought, along with the Word, to be glorified and 
adored and called God, as if the one existed within the 
other, (for this is the notion suggested by the perpetual 
repetition of the phrase along with,) instead of honouring 
Emmanuel with one entire adoration, and rendering to 
Him one entire glorification, — forasmuch as the Word 
was made flesh; — let him be anathema. 

IX. If any say that our Lord Jesus Christ was glorified 
by the Holy Ghost, as having received from Him a power 
of acting against unclean spirits and working miracles 
upon men, which was alien from Himself, instead of say- 
ing that the Spirit by which he worked them belonged to 
Him essentially ; let him be anathema. 

X. Holy Scripture says that Jesus Christ was made 
the High-Priest and Apostle of our faith, and that He 
offered Himself for us to God the Father as a sweet smel- 
ling sacrifice ; if any man therefore say that since the time 
when our High-Priest and Apostle was made flesh and 
man like us. He is not the Word of God but a man born 
of a woman, as if this man were a diflerent person from 
the Word : or if any say that Christ offered the sacrifice 
for Himself, instead of saying, that it was solely for our 

CYRIL. 383 

sakes, (for He Who knew no sin stood in no need of any 
sacrifice ;) let him be anathema. 

XI. If any man confess not that the flesh of the Lord 
gives Ufe, and belongs essentially to the Word Himself 
Who proceeds from the Father, and attribute it to another 
who is only joined to Him in respect of dignity, or by 
virtue of a divine indwelling, instead of saying that 
it gives life because it belongs essentially to the Word, 
Who has the power of quickening all things ; let him be 

XII. If any man confess not that the Word of God 
suffered according to the flesh, was crucified according to 
the flesh, and was the first born among the dead, — foras- 
much as He is life, and giveth life, as God; — let him be 

These are the twelve famous anathemas of St. Cyril 
against all the heretical propositions advanced by 

Before this letter reached Constantinople, the Emperor 
(not the pope) had convened a general council. At the 
same time John of Antioch, a personal friend of Nestorius, 
who had nevertheless entreated him to use the word 
Theotokos, took offence at the twelve anathemas of St. 
Cyril, thinking that they savoured of Apollinarianism, 
and he employed Theodoret of Cyras, and Andrew of 
Samosata to write against Cyril, who replied to both. 

Immediately after the feast of Easter, St. Cyril set out 
for Ephesus, the place at which the council was directed 
to meet, accompanied by fifty bishops, nearly half of the 
episcopate of his province, the other bishops remaining 
behind to take care of the churches. x\t the same time 
Nestorius repaired to Ephesus, with a great number of 
troops and with some of the nobility. But John of An- 
tioch with his bishops obliged the council, under various 
pretences, to wait for them for a considerable time. 

St. Cyril, while the assembled prelates were waiting for 
John, preached, with his usual vehemence, and not always 

384 CYRIL. 

with discretion or good judgment, against Nestorius. 
Acacius of Melitene preached on the same occasion and 
in the same strain, to whose sermon allusion is here made 
because he refers to " the cross which shines in front of 
the churches." It seems evident from the silence of all 
the writers of the three first centuries that crosses were 
not then erected io churches. Eusebius, who frequently 
describes the churches of Constantino, and others, never 
once alludes to it, though he often mentions crosses set 
up in other public places. From the fourth century 
downward, it became more common ; partly, no doubt, in 
consequence of Constantino's victory over Maxentius, and 
the invention of the cross by Helena (a. d. 326). Sozomen 
speaks of the cross as laid on the altar in his day, and 
Evagrius speaks of silver crosses given by Chosroes to 
one of the churches in Constantinople to be fixed upon 
the altar. 

John of Antioch sent to Cyril stating that if his arrival 
should be delayed, the council need not on that account 
be deferred, but should proceed with the necessary busi- 
ness: and fifteen days having now elapsed beyond the 
period fixed by the Emperor's letter for the assembling of 
the council, St. Cyril and the rest of the bishops resolved 
to hold the council on the 22d of June, 421, notwithstand- 
ing a protest from Nestorius and sixty-eight bishops of 
his party, who declared it to be incumbent upon them to 
wait for John of Autioch, w^ho, though he held the catholic 
faith, was, as we have before observed, friendly to Nes- 
torius ; Nestorius had indeed come from Antioch, and 
sentence of condemnation could hardly be passed upon 
him without reflecting disgrace in some degree upon his 
instructors. Candidian, also. Count of the Domestics, in- 
terfered to prevent the opening of the council at the time 
proposed, and went so far as to publish a protest against 
their proceedings when assembled. 

Nevertheless, on the day appointed, June 22, 431, the 
third general council, the council of Ephesus, was opened. 
St. Cyril presided in the right of the dignity of his see. 

CYRIL. 385 

There was, indeed, no one present to question his right ; 
the patriarch of Antioch had not yet arrived, the patriarch 
of Rome was not present, and the patriarch of Constanti- 
nople was the part}^ arraigned. According to Balsamon, 
Cyril, as " Pope of Alexandria," wore on this occasion a 
golden diadem, such as Constantine had assigned to the 
**Pope of Rome." Upon the episcopal throne of the 
presiding bishop, which was in the centre of the apse, was 
placed the New Testament to denote Christ's presence 
among them : the other bishops were ranged in thrones 
along the apse on each side of the president. 

Nestorius, though summoned three times, refused to 
attend, and being surrounded by troops supplied to him 
by Candidian, he treated with contumely the bishops who 
were sent from the council to summon him. The council 
then proceeded to declare that the letter of St. Cyril to 
Nestorius was conformable to theNicene doctrine and to the 
doctrine they had received from their fathers. The letter of 
Nestorius was read, the second which he wrote to St. Cyril; 
and after several bishops had spoken declaring it to be 
contrary to the Nicene doctrine, and accusing Nestorius 
of introducing novelties, the other bishops all cried out 
together, " Whosoever does not anatliematize Nestorius, 
let him be anathema. The orthodox faith anathematizes 
him, the holy council anathematizes him. Whoso com- 
municates with Nestorius, let him be anathema. We all 
anathematize the letter and doctrines of Nestorius. We 
all anathematize the heretic Nestorius. Those who 
communicate with Nestorius we all anathematize. We 
anathematize the impious faith of Nestorius. All the 
earth anathematizes his impious religion. Whosoever 
does not anathematize him, let him be anathema." 

Then, but not till then, the letter of Celestine, " Arch- 
bishop of Rome" was read, and as his sentiments accorded 
with those which had just been expressed by the council, 
it was, with another of St. Cyril's, entered upon the 
minutes, the name of Cyril appearing before that of Celes- 

VOL. IV. 2 p 

386 CYRIL. 

tine. A letter was also entered upon the acts of the coun- 
cil froro " another most revered metropolitan," Capreolus, 
Bishop of Carthage, as it clearly asserted that the ancient 
opinions concerning the faith ought to be maintained, and 
the new to be rejected. 

The depositions against Nestorius having been received 
and his works having been examined, sentence of con- 
demnation was pronounced against him in these terms : 
" Nestorius having, among other things, refused to obej 
our citation, and to receive the bishops who were sent on 
our part, we have been obliged to proceed to an examinar 
tion of his impieties ; and having convicted him, as well 
by his letters as by his other writings, and by discourse* 
which he lately held in this city, [duly attested,) of holding 
and teaching impious doctrines ; being reduced to this 
necessity by the canons, and by the letter of our most 
holy father and colleague Celestine, Bishop of the Roman 
Church ; after having shed many tears, we are agreed upon 
this unhappy sentence. Our Lord Jesus Christ, Whom h& 
hath blasphemed, has declared by this holy council that 
he is deprived of the episcopal dignity, and excluded from 
all ecclesiastical assemblies. Cyril, Bishop of i\.lexandria; 
1 have subscribed to the judgment of the council. Juve- 
nal, Bishop of Jerusalem, I have subscribed to tbe judg- 
ment of the council." All the other bishops present sub- 
scribed in the same way, to the number of one hundred 
and ninety-eight Some called themselves bishops by the 
grace anl mercy of God ; others, bishops of the Catholic 
Church of such and such a place. Some subscribed by 
the hand of a priest, one having his hand disabled, others 
being sick. Some bishops also subscribed who were not 
present till after the first session ; so that Nestorius was 
deposed by more than two hundred bishops, for some of 
them had a delegated authority as well as their own, since 
they represented others who were unable to get to Ephesus. 
This was the first session of the council, and it lasted 
from morning till night, although the days were then at 

CYRIL. 387 

the longest, for it was the 22nd of June, and at Ephesus 
the Sim does not set on that day till eleven minutes after 
seven o'clock. The people of the city waited from morn- 
ing till night in expectation of their decision ; and when 
they heard that Nestorius was deposed, they began with 
one voice to bless and applaud the council, and to praise 
God that the enemy of the faith was fallen. The bishops, 
on coming out of the church, were conducted to their 
hotels with torches, the women carried perfumes before 
them, the city was illuminated with lamps, and every 
thing expressed universal exultation. 

On the next day, (June the t went}'- third,) they ac- 
quainted Nestorius with his sentence of deposition, in 
these terms ; " The holy council assembled at Ephesus by 
the grace of God, and in pursuance of the decree of our 
most pious Emperors, to Nestorius the new Judas : know, 
that for thy impious doctrines, and disobedience to the 
canons, thou wast deposed by the holy council agreeably 
to the laws of the Church, and declared to be excluded 
from all ecclesiastical dignities, on the 22nd day of this 
present month of June." This sentence was fixed up in 
the public places, and published by criers. The council 
wrote on the same day to Eucharius, defender of the 
Church of Constantinople, to the priests, the stewards, 
and the rest of the clergy, acquainting them that Nestorius 
had been deposed on the previous day, and desiring them 
to take care of the goods of the church, as they would give 
an account of them to the future Bishop of Constantinoj^le, 
"who will be ordained," says the letter, -'according to 
the will of God, and the permission of our most pious 

In the meantime Candidian, the Imperial Commis- 
sioner, joined with Nestorius in sending a report to the 
Emperor misrepresenting the acts of the council, and 
annoyed the bishops by soldiers, preventing even the 
necessaries of life from being brought to them, and per- 
mitting the people whom Nestorius entertained, particu- 

388 CYRIL. 

larly a large body of the peasants belonging to the church 
lands, to load tliem with insult. 

When a fair copy had been made of the Acts of Nesto- 
rius's deposition, they were sent to the Emperor together 
with a synodical letter, giving a history of all that had 
passed, their reasons for not waiting for the eastern 
bishops, the contumacy of Nestorius, and so forth. The 
pope is spoken of in these terms : " We approved of what 
the most holy Bishop of Rome, Celestine, had done in 
having already condemned the heretical dogmas of Nesto- 
rius, and in anticipating us in passing sentence against 
him." It concluded thus: "We beg, therefore, of your 
majesty to command that Nestorius's doctrine be banished 
from all our holy churches ; that his books, wherever they 
are found, be burnt ; and if any one fail in due observance 
of these commands, that he incur your imperial displea- 
sure." The council likewise wrote to the clergy and peo- 
ple of Constantinople, to acquaint them with the fact of 
Nestorius's deposition, as a piece of agreeable news. 

On the fifth day after the sentence of deposition, June 
27th, John of Antioch arrived at Ephesus. Deputies 
from the council waited upon him to shew him every mark 
of respect, but these, though bishops, he suffered to be 
maltreated by his soldiers ; their very lives were in danger. 
The moment that he alighted from his chariot and got 
into his room, covered with dust and not waiting even to 
pull off his cloak, he commenced proceedings with Candi- 
dian against St. Cyril, Memnon of Ephesus, and the whole 
council. He afterwards, with the bishops who attended 
him, held a synod and pronounced sentence of deposition 
against Cyril and Memnon, excommunicating the bishops 
who adhered to them. This sentence, however, they did 
not venture to publish at Ephesus, but sent it to Constan- 
tinople with letters to the Emperor and royal family replete 
with calumnies against Cyril. 

The Emperor who was all along prejudiced against Cyril, 
the world being always opposed to the truth, sent a rescript 
declaring the sentence of deposition against Nestorius to 

CYRIL. 389 

be null and void, and directing the bishops not to leave 
Ephesus until he had sent some one to be associated with 
Candidian, who might ascertain the true character of the 
proceedings. This was on the 29th of June, 

The council sent a respectful remonstrance to the Em- 
peror. And their hands were strengthened by the arrival 
at Ephesus of three persons sent to represent the western 
churches by Celestine, Bishop of Kome. The Bishop of 
Home had already authorized " the Pope of Alexandria" to 
state the concurrence of the western church in the view 
taken by St. Cyril, and this was now done more officially. 
These persons arrived on the 10th of July. Celestiue did not 
assume the airs of the modern papacy : his letter begins 
thus : " The assembly of priests is the visible display of 
the presence of the Holy Ghost ; [He who cannot lie has 
said, ' Where two or three are gathered together in My 
Name, I am in the midst of them ;' much more will He 
be present in so large a crowd of holy men ;] for the coun- 
cil is indeed holy in a peculiar sense, — it claims veneration 
as the representative of that most noble synod of Apostles 
[which we read of.] Their Master, Whom they were com- 
manded to preach, never forsakes them ; it was He Wlio 
taught them, it was He Who iostructed them what they 
should teach others ; and He has assured the v,orld, that 
in the person of His Apostles, they hear Him. This 
charge of teaching has descended equally upon all bishops. 
We are all engaged to it by an hereditary riglit ; all wt* 
who, having come in their stead, preach the name of our 
Lord to all the countries of the world, according to what 
was said to them, ' Go ye and teach all nations.' You are 
to observe, my brethren, that the order we have received 
is a general order, and that He intended tliat we should 
all execute it, when He charged them w^ith it as a duty, 
devolving equally upon all We ought all to enter into 
the labours of those whom we have all succeeded in 

Thus Celestine acknowledged that it was Chiist Him- 

890 CYKIL. 

self who established bishops, in the persons of the Apos- 
tles, as the teachers of His Church : he places himself in 
their rank, and declares that they ought all to concur 
for the preservation of the sacred deposit of apostolical 
doctrine. This is, in fact, the tendency of all the re- 
mainder of the letter. 

The delegates of Celestine by having signed the decree 
in his name, made it the decree of the west as it had been 
already of the east, and so it became the decree of the 
whole Church. The council apprized the Emperor once 
more of their proceedings, and desired to be liberated from 
their labours. In their synodical letter they inform him 
that the bishops of the west, as they could not all assemble 
at Ephesus, had assembled in a synod of their own, Celes- 
tine, Bishop of Rome, presiding, when they arrived at the 
same decision with respect to the faith as the fathers of 
Ephesus had done, being equally desirous to avenge the 
injury done to Jesus Christ, and cutting off from the 
priesthood those who differed from them. His represen- 
tatives on their arrival, they continue " have made known 
to us the opinion of the whole council of the west, and 
have also witnessed, in writing, that they perfectly agree 
with us in regard to the faith. We therefore inform your 
majesty of this, that you may be assured that the sentence 
we have now pronounced is the common judgment of the 
whole world. Thus, since the business for which we as- 
sembled is happily concluded, we beg your permission to 
depart ; for some among us are oppressed with poverty, 
others with diseases, and others sunk under the weight of 
years, so that we are unable to endure the inconvenience 
of staying longer in a foreign country, to which some of 
the bishops and clergy have already fallen victims. The 
whole world is unanimous, except the interested few who 
prefer Nestorius s friendship to religion. It is but just, 
therefore, that some one should be appointed to fill up his 
place, and that we should be left in peace, to enjoy the 
contirmation of the faith, and offer up our sincere prayers 
on behalf of your majesty." 

CYRIL. 391 

This letter was subscribed bj St. C}'ril and all the other 

The council then having summoned John of Antioch, 
who refused to obey, declared his acts against Cyril and 
Memnon to be void, and pronounced sentence against him 
and his associates. The council adds : " They shall not be 
permitted to use the sacerdotal authority, to do good or 
ill to any one till such time as they recollect themselves, 
and confess their error: and they are to know, that 
unless they do this speedily, they draw upon themselves 
the extreme sentence [of the canons :] let them under- 
stand too, that their uncanonical proceedings against 
Cyril and Memnon are (as was yesterday declared) of no 
force whatever, and that all that has passed shall be 
reported to our most pious Emperors." 

Juvenal of Jerusalem, the three deputies of Rome, and 
all the other bishops, subscribed to this sentence : and 
thus the fifth session ended. 

The council wrote a letter to the Emperors, giving an 
account of their acts. It says, that thirty bishops of 
Nestorius's party, fearing the punishment due to their 
crimes, had had the audacity to assemble apart, and 
assume the title of council, being presided over by John 
of Antioch, who was himself afraid of being called to 
account for his delay. " They have pronounced," says 
the letter, "a sentence of deposition against Cyril the 
president of the council, and against Memnon ; no 
canonical order being observed, no accusation, citation, 
or examination of evidence being made. Such temerity 
would have only met with our contempt, had they not 
gone so far as to report it to your majesty. We have 
now proceeded, in accordance with the canons, to receive 
the complaints of Cyril and Memnon. We have sum- 
moned John of Antioch three several times, but as his 
house was surrounded with soldiers and other people in 
arms, he would neither admit those who were sent by 
the council, nor deign to give them an answer. We 
have therefore annulled all the proceedings against Cyril 

392 CYRIL. 

and Memnon, and excommunicated these rebels, till such 
time as they appear before the council to defend their 

" We have thought it our duty to write thus much, 
that you might not misconceive what is in reality only a 
party of criminals to be a council. At the great council of 
Nice, some bishops separated themselves in a similar 
way from fear of being punished, but the great and holy 
Emperor Constantine, so far from taking them to be the 
council, punished them for their schism. In fact, what 
can be more absurd than for thirty bishops to oppose 
themselves to a council of two hundred and ten, with 
whom all the bishops of the West, and through them 
the bishops of the whole world, are consentient? Be- 
sides, of these thirty, some have been long ago deposed, 
some have embraced the errors of Celestius, and others 
are anathematized for maintaining those of Nestorius. 
Ordain, therefore, that the decree which the oecumenical 
council has passed against Nestorius s impiety remain 
in full force, receiving from your approval still farther 

The Emperor sent John, Count of the Largesses, or 
Grand Treasurer, to Ephesus, armed with a discretionary 
power of making such arrangements as the state of the 
case might demand. 

Count John thought proper to consider Cyril and Mem- 
non, as well as Nestorius, deposed, and placed Cyril, as 
well as the others, under arrest. The council, of course, 
remonstrated in a letter to the Emperor, praying him to 
confirm their decision with respect to the deposition of 
Nestorius, who had been convicted of heresy, and to restore 
Cyril and Memnon, who had only been condemned by an 
heretical assembly. 

So great was the persecution to which the council was 
at this time exposed, that they could only send their letter 
to the Emperor, and communicate with their friends, 
through the instrumentality of a beggar, who concealed 
their letters in a cane. When the state of affairs at Ephe- 

CYRIL. 393 

sus was known, especially the arrest of the presidents of 
the council, Cyril and Memnon, the excitement was so 
great, and public opinion in favour of orthodoxy so strong, 
that the Emperor thought it expedient to banish Nestorius 
to the monastery of St. Euprepius, where he had been 
educated in his youth ; and at the same time he sum- 
moned deputations from the council, and from the party 
of John of Antioch, to meet him at Chalcedon. The result 
of the five conferences which the Emperor Theodosius 
held with these parties, is given in the following letter 
addressed by the Emperor to the fathers of the council of 
Ephesus : "As we have nothing so near our heart as the 
peace of the Churches, we have endeavoured to restore 
harmony between you, not only by means of our oflBcers, 
but in our own person. But since it is impossible to 
effect a re-union, and since you have refused to hold any 
discussion on the controverted points, we have ordered 
that the bishops of the east return home to their churches, 
and that the council of Ephesus be dissolved. Moreover, 
St. Cyril shall go to Alexandria, and Memnon shall con- 
tinue at Ephesus. We delare to you, however, that so 
long as we live, we cannot condemn the easterns, for in 
no respect have they been convicted of error before us, no 
one being willing to enter into debate with them. If^ 
therefore, you sincerely aim at peace, acquaint us with 
such your intention ; if not, think of retiring without 
delay. We are not responsible for this result ; with whom 
the responsibility rests God knows." It is evident from 
this letter of the Emperor as well as from that of the 
schismatics, that the Catholic deputies had not been wil- 
ling to dispute with them before the Emperor, as if the 
doctrine were in any degree doubtful, but contented them- 
selves with defending the acts of the council, and shewing 
that the deposition of Nestorius was just and canonical, as 
that of Cyril and Memnon was untenable and unwar- 

Such was the termination of the council of Ephesus. 
St. Cyril arrived in triumph at Alexandria, and was 

394 CYRIL. 

received there with great rejoicings, on the 30th of 

The attention of the Emperor and his government was 
now directed to effect a reconcihation between the two 
patriarchs, St. Cjril, and John of Antioch. The latter 
had a meeting with his friends whom he summoned to 
Antioch ; and through Acacius of Berrhsea, pi-oposed to 
St. Cyril that he shonld condemn all that he had written 
previous to the council of Ephesus. The answer of St. 
Cyril set forth that the easterns, when they proposed that 
he should condemn all that he had written previously to. 
the council of Ephesus, demanded what was plainly im- 
possible. " That the Nicene Creed is sufficient," he says, 
" I admit, but what I have written is only in opposition to 
the new errors of Nestorius ; if I should now retract this, 
it would follow that he has been in the right, and that we^ 
were therefore wrong in condemning and deposing him. 
You see, then, that far from desiring peace they throw^ us 
back upon the original cause of division. Why did they 
not rather join with us on their arrival at Ephesus in 
condemning Nestorius ? Suppose they did come a little 
too late, yet what hindered them from looking over the 
acts, and approving what had been decided by the rest ? 
If peradventure we erred on some point, was it therefore 
necessary that they should disdain even to speak to us? 
We had suffered the blasphemies of Nestorius three years 
long, and during all this time used our endeavours (as you 
also did) to bring him back to the truth. At length the 
council, seeing that he persisted at Ephesus i,n the same 
course, and that he was past remedy obstinate and impeni- 
tent, deprived him of the priesthood. But the council at 
the same time confirmed the Nicene Creed ; [for this was 
the very ground of their sentence against him, that he 
would not teach according to this creed, but sought to 
obliterate its doctrines by familiarizing men's ears with 
statements foreign to the teaching of the Church.] For 
my part, whatever outrages I have suffered, I am ready for 
the love of God, and from respect to the Emperor who 

CYRIL. 395 

desires it, and for the good of the Church, to forget all 
and forgive all as to brethren. But it is also the will of 
God and of the Emperor to sanction the sentence passed 
upon Nestorius, and to anathematize his blasphemies. 
Nothing beyond this is required to restore peace among 
the Churches. 

" As some inconsiderate men accuse me of holding the 
errors of Apollinarius, Arius, or Eunomius ; I declare, 
that by the grace of our Saviour, I have j^been always 
orthodox ; I anathemize Apollinarius, and all other here- 
tics ; I confess that the body of Jesus Christ is animated 
by a reasonable soul, and this without commixture : and 
that the Divine Word is in His own nature immutable, 
and impassible. But I affirm that one and the same 
Christ and Lord, the only begotten Son of God Himself 
suffered for us in tlie flesh, as saith St Peter As to the 
twelve articles, they relate only to the dogmas of Nestorius, 
and vvhen peace shall have been restored to the Churches, 
and we can write freely, and with brotherly confidence to 
each other, it will be easy to satisfy every body as to these 
articles ; for our doctrine and conduct is approved by all 
the bishops throughout the Roman empire, and we ought 
to take care to maintain peace with them. I may add 
that the Tribune Aristolaus has so far soothed the minds 
of the clergy at Alexandria, and of all the Egyptian bishops, 
who were sorely grieved at what the easterns have done 
against me, that 1 find the way towards an accommodation 
very much smoothed." Such was St. Cyril's answer to 
x'^cacius of Berrhaia. 

St. Cyrils letter was variously received by the easterns. 
Acacius of Berrhsea and John of Aniioch were satisfied 
with it. Tliey found it in no way contradictory to the 
Catholic doctrine ; they thought that the two natures of 
Christ were acknowledged with sufficient distinctness ; 
and they believed it their duty to receive the rest with a 
favoujable construction. 

But John of xlntioch did not find all his partizans wil- 
ling" to aciiuiosce in his proposal, though he succeeded in 

396 CYRIL. 

persuading all but Alexander of Hierapolis to agree that 
Paul, Bishop of Emesa, should be requested to go to 
Egypt, and to confer with Cyril, as affairs of such a nature 
are more easily discussed in the conversation than by 
writing. Paul of Emesa was obliged to wait some time 
after his arrival at Alexandria, as he found St. Cyril con- 
fined by a violent attack of sickness. St. Cyril afterwards 
had many long conversations with him on the subject of 
the proceedings against him at Ephesus ; but willing to 
forget the past, and proceed to matters of greater impor- 
tance, he asked him whether he brought any letter from 
John of Antioch. Paul delivered one to him, in which 
John said, " I had always previously maintained a special 
affection for you, and that even without having seen you, 
but those articles were the cause of our estrangement. I 
could not at first believe them to be yours, so widely dis- 
crepant were they from the doctrine of the Church. These 
you have already, in a great measure, corrected ; and you 
have raised in us great hopes for the future by your letter 
to Acacius, which gladdened the hearts of all w^ho love the 
peace of the Church. [We shall look forward to the fulfil- 
ment of the promise you made that] as soon as peace is 
restored, we shall come to a better understanding What 
most rejoices us, is that you received favourably the letter 
of our common father, the blessed Athanasius, which is of 
itself sufficient to terminate all our differences." He then 
exhorts St. Cyril to join him in labouring for peace, that a 
stop might be put to the mutual anathematizing and per- 
secution of the bishops, the division of the people, and the 
insulting scoffs of the Jews and pagans. In conclusion, 
he commends to him Paul of Emesa, desiring that he 
would speak to him with no less confidence than he would 
to himself. 

St. Cyril was not satisfied with this letter of John of 
Antioch ; the reproaches it contained were more adapted, 
he thought, to exasperate than to appease him ; so that 
although it was a letter of communion, he would not 
receive it, and said, "What? Will they who ought to ask 

CYRIL. 397 

pardon for the past, give us fresh offence ? I rather ex- 
pected some consolation." Paul of Emesa assured him 
on his oath, that they had not intended to give him any 
offence, but that John had thus written to him out of pure 
simplicity and zeal for the true doctrine. St. Cyril was 
willing to make use of a charitable dissimulation and to 
receive this excuse ; but before he would suffer Paul to 
attend prayers in the church, he obliged him to give his 
declaration in writing that he renounced the schism. It 
was drawn up in the form of a letter to St. Cyril, though 
it addresses him as present. It states that in pursuance 
of the Emperor's order, John of Antioch, and Acacius of 
Berrhaea, had sent him to St. Cyril ; that he had found 
him disposed to peace, and had received from him a 
writing, in which the Catholic faith was set down in all 
its purity ; " This," he says, " was the point of greatest 
importance. And because it is necessary that what relates 
to Nestorius should also be settled, I declare that we 
receive the ordination of the most holy Bishop Maximian ; 
that we look upon Nestorius, late Bishop of Constantinople, 
as deposed ; that we anathematize the impieties he has 
taught, and that we sincerely embrace your communion, 
according to the exposition which we have given you of 
our views respecting the Incarnation of the "Word, which 
exposition you have received as embodying your own 
faith, and a copy of which is inserted in this paper. By 
this a'3t of conjmunion we put an end to the troubles 
which may have originated with either party, and restore 
the Churches to their former tranquillity." The exposition 
of faith is not found inserted in this declaration, but it 
must be the same with that which was afterwards inserted 
in the letter of John of Antioch. 

Having made this declaration, Paul was admitted to the 
Church-prayers, and took his place as bishop in the great 
church of Alexandria, where he preached a sermon to the 
people, in the presence of St. Cyril, on Christmas-day, 
December the twenty-fifth (in the Egyptian calendar, the 

VOL. IV. 2o 


twenty-ninth of Choiak) of the same year, 432. He began 
by proclaiming " peace on earth," with the angels ; and 
then, entering upon the mystery which we commemorate 
on that day, he said plainly, " Mary, Mother of God, 
brought forth Emmanuel." The people, when they heard 
it, cried out, " Behold this is the faith : it is God s gift, 
O orthodox Cyril ! this is what we wished to hear. He 
that speaks not thus, let him be anathema." Paul of 
Emesa proceeded ; " Whosoever says not or thinks not 
thus, let him be anathema, and cut off from the Church :" 
then resuming the thread of his discourse, and proceeding 
to explain the mystery of the incarnation, he says ; " For- 
asmuch as the concurrence of the two perfect natures, I 
mean the Divinity and the humanity, has formed the one 
only Son, the one only Christ, the one only Lord." At 
these words, the people again interrupted him with shouts 
of, " You are welcome, orthodox bishop, worthy of 
Cyril, gift of God !" Paul concluded his sermon in a few 
Words, expressly anathematizing those who spoke of two 
Sons, or said that Emmanuel was a mere man ; and ex- 
tolling the confession made by St. Peter, when he acknow- 
ledged one only Son of the living God. He then broke 
off, to allow St. Cyril to deliver the address usual in such 

Paul of Emesa, not having had time enough to explain 
himself fully on that day, preached a second time in the 
great church of Alexandria, eight days afterwards ; that is, 
on the sixth of Tihi, or first of January, ad. 433. In 
this sermon, which is longer than the former, he carefully 
unfolds the mystery of the incarnation in opposition to 
the errors of Nestorius and Apollinarius. The people 
twice interrupted him (as before) witVi applause and accla- 
mation ; and St. Cyril added a few words on the same 

It was Paul's wish that in making the declaration in 
writing as he had done, he should be considered to repre- 
sent in his own person both John of Antioch and all 

CYRIL. 399 

the eastern bishops ; and that nothing further therefore 
should be required of them. In this he was overruled by 
St. Cyril, who maintained that the declaration could serve 
only for himself, and peremptorily insisted that John of 
Autioch should likewise give his declaration in writing. 
St. Cyril remained inflexible also on the subject of the 
four deposed bishops, whose restoration Paul had at first 
stated to be indispensable. (They were Helladius of 
Tarsus, Eutherius of Tyana, Himerius of Nicomedia, and 
Dorotheus of Marcianopolis.) St. Cyril declared that he 
could never give his assent to any such act, nor were they 
eventually included in the peace. 

St. Cyril and Paul of Emesa drew up in concert the 
declaration that John of Antioch was to sign. Two of 
St. Cyril's clergy were appointed to carry it, along with a 
letter of communion for him ; but he was not to receive the 
latter until he had sign^id the declaration. The two clerks 
accompanied the Tribune Aristolaus, who returned to 
An'ioch murmuring at the tedious character of the nego- 
tiation. He promised St. Cyril on oath, that the purpose 
which the declaration was intended to serve, should not 
be frustrated ; " And if Bishop John," he added, " refuses 
to subscribe it, I will proceed immediately to Constanti- 
nople, and tell the Emperor that it is no fault of the 
Church of Alexandria if peace be not made, but of the 
Bishop of Antioch only." The declaration contained an 
approval of Nestorius's deposition, and a condemnation of 
his tenets. 

John of Antioch at length submitted. He wrote a 
letter to St. Cyril, in which he says that for the good of 
the Church, and in obedience to the Emperor's orders, he 
has commissioned Paul of Emesa to conclude a peace, and 
to deliver in his name the exposition of faith which they 
had agreed upon, in these terms : "As to the Virgin 
Mary, Mother of God, and the mode of the incarnation, 
we are obliged to say what we think of them, — not as if 
-we would add any thing whatsoever to the Nicene Creed, 
or pretend to explain mysteries which are ineffable, but to 

400 CYRIL. 

stop the mouths of those who wish to attack us. We 
declare, then, that our Lord Jesus Christ is the only Son 
of God ; perfect God. and perfect man, composed of a 
reasonable soul and a body ; in respect of His Godhead, 
'begotten of the Father before all w^orlds,' and the same, 
according to the humanity, born in these latter days, for 
our salvation, of the Virgin Mary ; in respect of His God- 
head, consubstantial with the Father, and the same con- 
substantial with us, according to the humanity ; for the 
two natures have been united : and therefore we confess 
one Christ, one Son, one Lord. In consistence with the 
notion of this union without confusion, we confess that 
the holy Virgin is Mother of God, because God the Word 
was incarnate and made man, and, from the very act of 
conception, united to Himself the temple which He took 
from her. As to the expressions concerning our Lord in 
the Evangelists and Apostles, we know that divines apply 
sotne of them in common, as to one person, and others 
separately, as to two natures ; teaching that such as are 
worthy of God relate to the Divinity of Christ, and those 
of a meaner kind to His humanity. 

'* Having received this confession of faith, we have agreed, 
in order to procure universal peace and remove all grounds 
of offence fmm the Church, to look upon Nestorius, late 
Bishop of Constantinople, as deposed ; and we anathema- 
tize the evil and profane novelties of words introduced by 
him ; for our Churches preserve the sound and right faith 
no less than your holiness does. We also approve the 
ordination of the most holy Bishop Maximian to the 
Church of Constantinople, and we are in communion with 
all the bishops in the world, who hold and preach the 
pure and orthodox faith." 

Peace having been thus made, St. Cyril declared the 
joyful news to his people, in a short sermon preached on 
the twenty-eighth of Pharraouthi in the first indiction, 
that is, April the twenty-third, a. d. 433. He then ordered 
the letter of John of Antioch to be read in the church, 
along with his own answer, which he sent by Paul of 

CYRIL. 401 

Emesa. This, in addition to various expressions of joy 
and avowals of friendship, contained the declaration of 
John of Antioch, and some doctrinal explanations, which 
St. Cyril made in order to remove the scruples of the 
easterns. " I am accused," he says, " of afiBrming that 
Christ's sacred body was not taken from the Holy Virgin, 
but brought from heaven. How can they have brought 
themselves to imagine this, when almost the whole of our 
dispute turned on my maintaining that she is Mother of 
God ? How could she be this, or whom could she have 
brought forth, if the body had come from heaven ? But 
uhen we say that Christ came down from heaven, we 
follow St. Paul, who says, ' The first man was of the earth, 
earthy; the second Man was from heaven:' and our 
Saviour Himself says, ' No man hath ascended up to 
heaven, but He Who came down from heaven, even the 
Son of Man.' For although it be properly the Word Who 
came down from heaven, yet by virtue of the unity of 
person we may attribute the same to the man." 

As to the other reproach that he admitted a commixture 
or confusion of the Word with the flesh, he says, " So far 
am I from holding any such opinion, that I believe a man 
must have lost his senses before he can suppose the 
Divine Word subject to even the least semblance of change. 
He ever abides what He is, incapable of alteration. We 
all acknowledge, too, that He is impassible, although He 
ascribes to Himself the sufferings incidental to the flesh, 
even as St. Peter so wisely said, ' Christ having suffered 
in the flesh,' not in His Divinity." He further declares, 
that he in all things follows the doctrine of the fathers, 
especially of St. Athanasius, and embraces the creed of 
Nicsea, not allowing a syllable of it to be altered, knowing 
that it was not the fathers who spake it, but the very 
Spirit of God, He concludes thus : " Having learnt that 
some have corrupted the letter of our father Athanasius to 
Epictetus, to the hurt of many souls, we deem it our duty 
to send you a copy of it taken from the manuscripts pre- 
served in our archives." 

2o 2 

403 CYRIL. 

Tlie fact was, that Paul of Emesa, wben conversing 
with St. Cyril on the faith, asked him very seriously, if he 
agreed with what St. Athanasius had written to Epictetus. 
" Have you the letter," answered St. Cyril, "in its genuine 
form ? — for many things in it have been altered by the 
enemies of the truth : — if you have, then I entirely agree 
with it in every respect." " I have the letter," said Paul, 
"and I should he glad to ascertain fully, from the copies 
you possess, whether it has been falsified or not." The 
old copies were therefore put into his hand. After collat- 
ing them with his own copy, he was satisfied that the 
latter was corrupt ; and urged St. Cyril to get a transcript 
of the Alexandrine copies made and sent to Antioch, which 
was accordingly done. 

Some of St. Cyrils friends feared that he had made 
concessions as to the faith, but he vindicated himself in a 
letter he wrote to Successus, Bishop of Diocaesarea, in 
Isauria. Successus had inquired of him whether it was 
proper to say there are two natures in Christ. He first of 
all lays it down in opposition to Nestorius, that Christ is 
one and the same, before and after His incarnation ; he 
then adds, that this union proceeds from the concurrence 
of the two natures ; that after this union we never divide 
them, but say with the fathers, * the one incarnate nature 
of God the Word,' which he explains presently after, by 
saying, that there are two natures united, but that Christ 
is one. By w.ay of example he mentions our human 
nature, each particular man being personally one, though 
compounded of soul and body, so different in their 
natures. He then replies to another question, — how 
Christ's body became Divine after His resurrection, — 
" not," he says, " by changing its nature, but by being 
freed from human infirmities." Successus having sent 
him some objections to this explanation, he replied in a 
second, still larger letter, the object of which is to prove 
that when he says ' one nature,' he does not admit of any 
confusion or mixture, since the Divine nature is immut- 
able, and the human nature remains entire in Christ ; 

CYRIL. 403 

for it is not one nature simply, but one incarnate nature. 
He remarks that there are three sorts of expression em- 
ployed by Scripture in reference to our Lord ; some apply 
to the divine nature only, others to the human only, and 
others to both taken together. The object of these two 
letters, as well as of the preceding, was to justify St. Cyril 
on the subject of his re-union with the Easterns. 

Although the edict against Nestorius was received by all 
the Bishops of the East, yet St. Cyril was informed that 
some of them pretended that they were under no obligation 
to do more than what was expressly contained in the 
Emperors letter, and so condemned Nestorius only in 
words. He therefore wTote to Aristoiaus, saying that if it 
was their object to produce a bond fide conformity, it would 
be necessary that the bishops, besides anathematizing 
Nestorius and his doctrine, should also declare that 
" there is but one only Jesus Christ, Son of God, the same 
begotten of God before all time and conceived by a woman 
in these last times according to the flesh ; in such sort 
that He is one single person," as he further explains in 
his letter. He sent the same formula to John of Antioch, 
as necessary to provide against all chicane. " I have 
learnt," he says, " that there are some bishops in your 
parts of the world who, while they anathematize Nest'irius 
and his tenets, constantly set themselves to support them 
on other grounds. They affirm that he was only con- 
demned because he refused to admit that one expression, 
' Mother of God.'" He complains in especial of Theodoret. 
" I did believe," he says to John of Antioch, " that having 
written to me, and received letters from me, he had sin- 
cerely embraced the peace ; meanwhile, 1 am told by 
priest Daniel that he has neither anathematized the blas- 
phemies of Nestorius, nor subscribed to his sentence." 
John of Antioch wrote to Proclus, informing him of the 
results of the second mission of Aristoiaus, who probably 
conveyed his letter. "All the Bishops of the East," he 
writes, " and indeed those of all the rest of the world, 
have given in their verdict, and passed sentence upon the 

404 CYRIL. 

error of Nestorius, and have consented to his deposition. 
We are all unanimous in thinking that nothing should be 
either added to, or taken away from, the Nicene Creed. 
We understand it in the same way as the holy bishops 
our predecessors ; in the West, Damasus, Innocent, and 
Ambrose ; in Greece and Illyricum, Methodius ; in Africa, 
Cyprian ; at Alexandria, Alexander, Athanasius, and 
Theophilus ; at Constantinople, Nectarius, John, and 
Atticus ; in Pontus, Basil and Gregory ; in Asia, Amphi- 
lochius and Optimus ; in the East, Eustathius, Meletius, 
and Flavian." Then, after inserting the Nicene Creed, 
he adds : " We send you this to satisfy those who yet 
require to be satisfied ; as for us we said and did all that 
was necessary four years ago, on the return of the blessed 
Paul ;" i. e. Paul of Emesa ; whence, by the way, it appears 
that this letter was written in 437 ; " but I know not 
whence it comes that these vexations seem still to return 
upon us and all our churches. All the bishops of the 
sea-coast have consented and subscribed ; they of the 
second Phoenicia, and both the Cicilias a year ago ; the 
Arabians by Antiochus their metroj^olitan ; Mesopotamia, 
Osroene, Euphratesia, and the second Syria, have approved 
all we have done ; you have long since received the answer 
of the Isaurians, and all in the first Syria subscribed with 
us. The Tribune Aristolaus will inform you in what man- 
ner our clergy received this, and how they applauded your 
care. Henceforth, then, let all this tumult cease, that we 
may take breath after the evils we have suffered on account 
of the accursed Nestorius, and be at length able to make 
head against the pagans of Phceuicia, Palestine, and 
Arabia ; the Jews, particularly those of Laodicea ; and the 
insubordinate Nestorians of Cilicia." 

The remainder of Cyrils life was passed in an honest 
endeavour to preserve the peace without compromising the 

He wrote with his usual power upon other subjects, 
although we have directed our attention to that great con- 
troversy with which his name is for ever associated. He 

DAILLE. 405 

did not any more than any among his contemporaries, 
hold the Romish error of transiibstantiation ; and, in the 
Homily of the Mystical Supper he brings the true doctrine to 
bear against the Nestorians thus : " Let them tell us what 
body it is which is food to the flocks of the Church, and 
what the streams by which they are refreshed? If it is 
the body of a God, then is Christ truly God, and not a 
mere man. If it is the blood of a God, then is the Son of 
God not only God, but the Word incarnate. If it is the 
flesh of Christ which is meat, and His blood which is 
drink — that is, according to them, the flesh and blood of a 
mere man — how is it we teach that it avails to eternal 
life? Whence comes it that though distributed here and 
every where it suffers no dimunition? A mere body is 
not the source of life to those who receive it." And in 
his commentary on St. John he says ; " by receiving the 
Eucharist our flesh is united to that of Christ, as two 
pieces of wax melted together, to the end that by this 
union we might become one with the Divine Person of 
Him Who took flesh, and that the Person of the Word 
might unite us to the Father, with Whom He is consub- 
stantial ;" so that by these three mysteries of the Trinity, 
the Incarnation, and the Eucharist, we are raised to an 
intimate union with God. 

Cyril died in the year 444, having governed the Church 
of Alexandria thirty-two years. Of his numerous works, 
which have been often printed, either entire or in detached 
treatises, the best collection is that published at Paris, in 
Greek and Latin, 1638, 7 vols, folio, under the superin- 
tendence of John Aubert, canon of Laon. Spanheim's 
edition contains Cyprian's work against Julian. — Cyril's 
Works. Fleury. Cave. 

Cyril Lucar. — See Lucar. 


John Daille was born at Chattelerant in 1594. He 
studied protestant theology at Saumur in 1612, and 


was admitted into the family of Monsieur de Plessis 
Mornay, as tutor to his grandsons. He was appointed 
minister of a congregation in Saumur in the year 1625, 
and here he spent the rest of his life. In 1628 he wrote 
his work D T usage des Peres, on the use of the fathers, 
which was not published, however, till 1631. In the last 
century, when, according to Bishop Warburton, " a sove- 
reign contempt for the authority of the fathers, and no 
great reverence for any other, is what now-a-days consti- 
tutes a protestant in fashion," this work was in high 
esteem. It has now, in a better age, fallen into disrepute. 

In 1633 Daille published An Apology for the lleformed 
Churches, vindicating them from the charge of schism. 
Such a work by a person of Mr. Daille"s principles must 
have strengthened the cause of Romanism. 

He took part in the controversy which raged among the 
foreign protestants concerning universal grace ; his opinion 
was decidedly declared in favour of that doctrine. After a 
long life chiefly engaged in controversy, he died at Paris 
in 1670. — General Blog. Diet. Warburton. 


John Damascene was born at Damascus, when, in the 
eighth century, that place v\as under the power of the 
Mahometans. Born of a noble family, he was made by 
the Caliph, Governor of Damascus, and loaded with 
honours, but sensible of the spiritual dangers by which 
he was surrounded, he disposed of his estates and gave 
the money to the Church, retiring to the great Laura of 
St. Sebas, near Jerusalem. Tlie discipline to which he 
was subjected by the superior of the Laura was very severe, 
and one would be inclined to say capricious. He felt 
that he had in Damascene to subdue a spirit prone to 
vanity and pride ; and he gave him the following short 
lessons : that he should never do his own will, but study 
in all things to die to himself in order to divest himself 


of all inordinate self-love or attachment to creatures. 
Secondly, that he should frequently offer to God all his 
actions, difficulties and prayers. Thirdly, that he should 
take no pride in his learning or any other advantage, but 
ground himself in a sincere and thorough conviction that 
he had nothing of his own stock but ignorance and weak- 
ness. Fourthly, that he should renounce all vanity, 
should always mistrust himself and his own lights, and 
never desire visions, or the like extraordinary favours. 
Fifthly, that he should banish from his mind all thoughts 
of the world, nor ever disclose to strangers the instructions 
given him in the monastery ; that he should keep strict 
silence, and remember that there may be harm even in 
saying good things without necessity. By the punctual 
observance of these rules, the fervent novice made great 
j;rogress in an interior life and Christian perfection. His 
director, to promote his spiritual advancement, often put 
his virtue to severe trials. He once sent him to Damascus 
to sell some baskets, and having set an exorbitant jDrice 
on them, forbad him to take less. The saint obeyed his 
director without the least demur, and appeared poor and 
ill clad in that great city, in which he had formerly lived 
in splendour. On being asked the price of his ware, he 
was abused and insulted for the unreasonableness of his 
demands. At length one that had been formerly his 
servant, out of compassion purchased his whole stock 
at the price he asked ; and he returned to his superior 
victorious over vanity and pride. It happened that a 
certain monk being inconsolable for the death of his bro- 
ther, Damascene, by way of comforting him, recited to him 
a Greek verse, importing, that all is vanity which time 
destroyeth. His director, for his greater security against 
the temptation of vanity, or ostentation on account of 
learning, called this a disobedience in speaking without 
necessity, and by way of chastisement turned him out of 
his cell. The humble saiut wept bitterly to heal this 
wound of disobedience in his soul, as he confessed it to 
be ; and without endeavouring to extenuate the fault, 


though in itself so excusable, begged the monks to inter- 
cede for him to his director for pardon. This was at 
length obtained, but only on condition that with his own 
hands he should cleanse and carry away all the filth 
that lay about the monastery : which condition he, to 
whom humiliations were always welcome, most cheerfully 
complied with. 

When he was considered sufficiently humbled, he 
was ordained priest, and became one of the first writers 
of the age. That age was disturbed by the Iconoclast 

Leo the Third, Emperor of the East, commanded 
images to be removed out of the churches in 730, having 
been for some time opposed to the use of them. For this 
conduct he was condemned by the Popes of Rome. But 
he persevered, and was followed in the course he had 
adopted by his successor, Constantine Copronymus, who 
assembled the synod of Constantinople, in 754, to suppresis 
the use of images. 

In this controversy Damascene wrote in favour of the 
images, and was by the council condemned. 

In the synod of Constantinople the bread of the Eu- 
charist is called the image of Christ, being the true and 
sole image of Himself which He left by the sanctification 
of the substance of bread. On the other hand the fathers 
of the second Nicene Council, together with John Damas- 
cene, denied this position, and asserted that the bread was 
the proper Body of Christ, r^ot by transubstantiation, but 
in some undefined and unknown manner. This doctrine 
of transubstantiation was not in fact developed till the 
middle of the next century, when Pascasius Radbert first 
reduced the fluctuating expressions concerning this great 
mystery to a regular theory of transubstantiation : a 
theory which was rejected by some of the first divines 
of the day. 

Though the philosophy of Plato had been chiefly in 
vogue. Damascene adopted that of Aristotle ; and thus he 
is regarded as the precursor in the East of that theological 

DANDINI. 40.) 

system called the scholastic. On this principle he wrote 
his " Exposition of the Orthodox Faith ;" which forms a 
Body of Divinity. He perceived that he could only hope 
to combat with success the learned Saracens by enlisting 
philosophy on the side of God. Of the schoolmen we 
ought to say, not so much that they philosophized Chris- 
tianicy, as that they baptized philosophy. 

He chiefly continued to reside at the Laura of St. Sebas, 
in Palestine, — and was one of those holy men, who, 
though devoted to learning, would never permit his studies 
to encroach upon his hours of prayer and contemplation.- 
-" Without assiduous prayer," says Fenelon, " reasoning 
is a great dissipation of the mind ; and learning often 
extinguishes the humble interior spirit of prayer, as wind 
does a candle." 

He died, according to some, in 754 ; according to others, 
in 780. His numerous philosophical and theological 
works place him among the most distinguished writers of 
the Eastern Church in the eighth century. His principal 
work is an Exposition of the Orthodox Faith, or Christian 
Doctrines, in four books. This work attained great repu- 
tation in the Greek Church, and the author was styled 
Chrysorrhoas, or Golden-flowing, on account of his elo- 
quence. He wrote also treatises against the Manichaeans 
and Nestorians. His principal works have been published 
by Lequien, Opera J. Damasceni, Paris and Venice, 1748, 
"2 vols, folio. — Dupin. Butler. Palmer on the Church. 
Spanheim. Guisler. 


Jerome Dandini was born at Cesena, in 1554. Becom- 
ing a Jesuit he taught philosophy at Paiis, and divinity 
at Padua ; he was rector of the colleges of Ferrara, Forli, 
Bologna, Parma, and Milan ; visitor in the provinces of 
Venice, Toulouse, and Guicnne : and provincial ni PoIukJ 

VOL. lY. U R 

41(7 DANEAU. 

aad in the Milanese. In the year 1596 Clement VIIX, 
appointed him his nuncio to the Maronites, inhabiting 
Libanus and Antilibanus. An account of his travels was 
published at Cesena, entitled Missione Apostolica al 
Patriarca e Maroniti del Monte Libano ; of which Simon 
published a French translation at Paris, in 1675. Dan- 
dini died in 1634. He was the author of Commentaries 
on the Three Books of Aristotle de Anima, Paris, 1611, 
folio ; and of a treatise on morals, entitled Ethica Sacra, 
hoc est de Virtutibus et Vitiis, Cesena, 1651, folio. — 


Daneau was born in 1530, at Orleans. He was a law 
pupil of Aune du Bourg, who^ in 1559, was strangled, or 
burnt at Paris, as a Huguenot. The persecution of a 
good man, and the constancy with which he suffered, had 
the usual effect on Daneau; he adopted the religious 
principles of his master, and retired, in 1560, to Geneva, 
where he became minister, and professor of theology; 
which ofiBce he afterwards sustained with much reputation 
at Leyden, whence he went to Ghent, and then to Bern. 
In 1594 he was invited to Castres, in Languedoc, where 
he died about two years after. He published Commenta- 
ries on the Gospels of Matthew and Mark ; Loci Com- 
munes ; Harmonia, sive Tabulae in Salomonis Proverbia 
et Ecclesiasten ; Geographiae Poeticse, Lib. IV. ; Vetus- 
tissimarum Mundi Antiquitatum, Lib- IV. ; Elenchus 
Hereticorum ; Methodus sacrae Scripturse : and Aphorismi 
Politici et Militares. Primi Mundi antiquitatum Sectiones 
quatuor, was published in English, by Thomas Twine, 
under the title of The Wonderful Workmanship of the 
World, 1578, 4to. His Les Sorciers was also published 
here in 1 564, under the title, A Dialogue of Witches. — 
Moreri. B'log. U)(iverseUe. 

DANTZ. ill 


John Andrew Dantz was born February 1, 1654, at 
Sandhusen, a village near Gotha. He became a celebrated 
theologian among the Lutherans. After studying Hebrew 
at Hamburgh, under Esdras Edzardi and other learned 
Jews, he went to Leipsic, and thence to Jena ; where he 
was appointed professor of the oriental languages on the 
death of the learned Frischmuth. Some time after he 
was appointed professor of divinity. He died in 1727. 
He wrote, among many other works, Sinceritas Sacrae 
Scripturfe Veteris Testamenti triumphans, cujus prodro- 
mus Sinceritas Scripturaa Vet. Test, prevalente Keri 
vacillans, Jena, 1713, 4to ; and Divina Elohim inter 
coaequales de primo Homine condendo Deliberatio, 1712 : 
Inauguratio Christi baud obscurior Mosaica, decern Dissert, 
asserta, Jena, 1717, 4to; and Davidas in Ammonitas de- 
victos mitigata Crudelitas, 1713. — Moreri. 


William Daubenton was born at Auxerre, in 1648, 
and after performing his noviciate he became a member 
of the society of Jesuits at Nancy, in 1683. He was at 
first distinguished as a preacher. The state of his health, 
however, obliging him to relinquish pulpit exercises, he 
was appointed to the rectory of the college of Strasburg. 
By Louis XIV. he was made confessor to his grandson, 
Philip v., King of Spain, whom he accompanied when he 
went to take possession of his throne, and over whom 
he appears to have exercised considerable influence. His 
intriguing spirit caused his dismission ; upon which he 
retired to France, in 1706, whence he was sent to Rome. 
In 1716 he was recalled to Madrid, and reinstated in his 
office of confessor to Philip V. Some years afterwards, 
when Philip had formed, but not divulged, his resolution 
to abdicate his crown, Daubenton conceived that measure 
to be so unfavourable to the interests of his native country, 


that he opposed it with all his weight, and betrayed the 
secret to the Duke of Orleans, which terminated in his 
disgrace a second tirae. He died in 1723. His works 
consist chiefly of funeral sermons, and a Life of St. Francis 
Regis, Paris, 1716, 4to. — Moreri. 


Of this learned writer little is known. He was born 
about 1670, in France, and came to England on the revo- 
cation of the edict of Nantes. He is said to have become 
vicar of Brotherton, in Cheshire. He wrote, Pro Testi- 
monio Josephi de Jesu Christo, contra Tan. Fabrum et 
alios, Loudon, 1700, 8vo; and a Commentary on the 
Revelation of St. John, 1712, folio. This was, in 1730, 
published by Peter Lancaster, vicar of Bowden, in 
Cheshire, under the title of A Perpetual Commentary, 
&c., newly modelled, abridged, and rendered plain to the 
meanest capacities. Daubuz is supposed to have died in 
1740. — General Biorj. Diet. 


John Dayenant was born in 1576, in Watling street, 
London. His father was a merchant and a man of 
wealth. He was educated at Queen's College, Cambridge, 
of which he became fellow in 1597. He took his degree 
of D.D. 1609, and the same year was elected lady Mar- 
garet's divinity professor, which he held till 1621, and in 
1614 he was chosen master of his college. His learning 
recommended him to James I., who sent him with other 
eminent divines to the synod of Dort in 1618, fSee Life 
of Carlton and of Hall, J and he was in 1621 raised to the 
see of Salisbury. He continued in favour to the end of 
the reign of King James; but in 1631 he incurred the 


displeasure of Charles I., by maintaining the doctrines of 
predestination in a sermon he preached before his majesty 
at Whitehall. While he was at the synod of Dort, he 
inclined to the doctrine of universal redemption, and was 
for a middle way between the two extremes ; maintaining 
the certainty of the salvation of a certain portion of the 
elect, and that offers of pardon were sent not only to all 
that should believe and repent, but to all that heard the 
Gospel ; that grace sufiQcient to convince and persuade the 
impenitent (so as to lay the blame of their condemnation 
upon themselves) went along with these offers; that the 
redemption of Christ and His merits were applicable to 
these ; and consequently there was a possibility of their 
salvation. He died in 1641, having published, — 1. Expo- 
sitio Epistolae D. Pauli ad Colossenses, folio. It is the 
substance of lectures read by Davenant as lady Margaret 
professor. '2. Praelectiones de duobus in Theologia Con- 
troversis Capitibus ; de Judice Controversiarum, prime; 
de Justitia habituaU et actuaU, altero, Cantab. 1631, folio. 
3. Determinationes Quaestionum quarundam Theologica- 
rum, &c., folio, 1634. 4. Animadversions upon a Treatise 
lately published by S. Hoard, and entitled, God's Love to 
Mankind, manifested by disproving His absolute decree 
for their damnation, Cambridge 1641, Svo.—Bioc/. Brit. 


John Davenport was born at Coventry in 1597, and 
entered at Merton College in 1613. He became a violent 
Puritan. After being minister of St. Stephen's, Coleman- 
street, London, he went to Amsterdam. At the bveaking 
out of the Rebellion he returned to England, but soon 
after embarked for America, where he became minister of 
Newhaven. He died at Boston in 1669. He wTote a 
Catechism containing the chief Heads of the Christian 
Religion, and other theological tracts. 



Christopher Davenport, brother of the preceding, 
as violent a Papist as his brother was a Puritan, the ex- 
tremes meeting in this unfortunate family, was born 
at Coventry in 1598, and, like his brother, was entered at 
Merton College, Oxford. After remaining there two years 
he apostatized, and went to Douay, and in 1617 became a 
Franciscan. Under the name of Franciscus a Sanctit 
Clara, he came as a missionary priest to England, and was 
one of the chaplains to Queen Henrietta Maria. There 
was a desire and attempt at that time, more charitable 
than judicious, to unite the Churches of England and 
Rome. Davenport was zealous in this cause, and was 
evidently desirous of making more concessions on the pan 
of Rome than the rulers of his church were i)repared to 
sanction : they, indeed, wished to concede nothing, but 
merely to receive concessions from the Church of England. 
His book, " Deus, Natura, Gratia," was highly valued by 
Charles I., as being full of complaisance to the protestant 
system of the Church of England, and as discovering an 
inclination of approaching nearer to them by concessions, 
where the Roman Catholic cause would permit it to be 
done. But the work was far from being liked at the 
Roman court, where it was considered as a very dangerous 
production, far too condescending to (so called) schismatics 
and heretics. The generality also of the English Roman 
Catholics were displeased with it. At Rome they pro- 
ceeded to censure it, though the decree was not made 
public, the author himself being first summoned to make 
his appearance, which he declined on account of infirmity, 
promising to give satisfaction any other way. 

This, indeed, was bat a private concern, yet it had a 
public induence, as things then stood. It was the opinion 
of many that the King was inclined to hearken to terms 
of a union between the two churches ; and that he looked 
on this book of JJavenport as a remote disposition towards 


it. It was, therefore, deemed an impolitic step in Rome 
to let their censure loose against it at this juncture. 
Father Phihp (the Queen's Confessor) was very industrious 
in acquainting the Roman court with the inconveniences 
of rigorous proceedings. He advised them to go on 
slowly ; to wink at the author for a time, alleging that he 
had submitted himself, and that it would be soon enough 
to take notice of him when he persisted, or affairs would 
permit a censure. Soon after care was taken to inform 
Mr. Secretary Windebank that the condemnation was 
suppressed. But it happening that the author, or some 
one for him, set forth another edition, in which no sub- 
mission was expressed ; Panzani (the Pope's agent in 
Eugland) told the secretary, he was afraid the court of 
Rome would proceed to a censure, and declare the author 
contumacious, that the faithful might not be scandalized. 
The account gave Windebank great concern ; and being 
acquainted with the author, he conferred with him on the 
subject. They agreed in opinion, that a censure would 
irritate the King, and divert him from any thoughts of a 
union. However, to soften the matter, it was given out, 
and confidently reported, that Mr. Davenport was still 
prepared to submit himself, and that he had no hand in 
the second edition, it being the bookseller's contrivance 
solely for the sake of gain. Windebank also pressed 
Panzani to take care that they were very cautious at 
Rome, for that it would certainly ruin all their projects, if 
a work of that pacific tendency were condemned. But 
notwithstanding all the care which the author and his 
friends could take to stifle the censure, (which as yet was 
only privately whispered at Rome,) the Jesuits were very 
busy in publishing it among their acquaintance in Eng- 
land. Davenport then published an Apology, wherein he 
amply declares himself as to the work itself, and submits 
himself both in that, and all other matters, to the Roman 
see. He was not, however, willing to leave England; 
but rather strove to shelter himself under the King's 
protection, which to some persons appeared to be a very 


odd proceeding, and looked as if he designed to go on 

He attempted, but in vain, to win Archbishop Laud to 
a favourable view of his cause. When the Archbishop 
was brought to trial before the rebels, in the seventh 
article of his impeachment it is said, that " the said 
Archbishop, for the advancement of popery and supersti- 
tion within this realm, hath wittingly and willingly 
received, harboured, and relieved divers popish priests 
and Jesuits, namely, one called Sancta Clara, alias Daven- 
port, a dangerous person and Franciscan friar, who hath 
written a popish and seditious book, entitled, ' Deus, 
Natura, Gratia,' &c., wherein the thirty-nine articles of 
the Church of England, established by act of parliament, 
are much traduced and scandalized : that the said Arch- 
bishop had divers conferences with him, while he was 
writing the said book," &c. To which article the Arch- 
bishop made this answer : " I never saw that Franciscan 
friar, Sancta Clara, in my life, to the utmost of my 
memory, above four times or five at most. He was first 
brought to me by Dr. Lindsell : but I did fear, that he 
would never expound the articles so, that the Church of 
England might have cause to thank him for it. He 
never came to me after, till he was almost ready to print 
another book, to prove that episcopacy was authorized in 
the Church by Divine right; and this was after these 
unhappy stirs began. His desire was, to have this book 
printed here ; but at his several addresses to me for this, 
I still gave him this answer : That I did not like the way 
which the Church of Rome went concerning episcopacy ; 
that I would never consent that any such book from the 
pen of a Romanist should be printed here ; that the 
Bishops of England are very well able to defend their own 
cause and calling, without any help from Rome, and would 
do so when they saw cause : and this is all the conference 
I ever had with him." 

Davenport at this time absconded, and spent most of 
those years of trouble in obscurity, sometimes beyond the 

DAVID. 417 

seas, sometimes at London, sometimes in the country, 
and sometimes at Oxford. After the restoratioD of 
Charles II., when the marriage was celebrated between 
him and Catherine of Portugal, Sancta Clara became one 
of her chaplains ; and was for the third time chosen 
provincial of his order for England, where he died May 
31, 1680, and was buried in the church-yard belonging to 
the Savoy. It was his desire, many years before his death, 
to retire to Oxford to die, purposely that his bones might 
be laid in St. Ebb's church, to which the mansion of the 
Franciscans or Grey friars sometime joined, and in which 
several of the brethren were anciently interred, particu- 
larly those of his old friend John Day, a learned friar of 
his order, who was there buried in 1658. 

He was the author of several works: 1. " Paraphrastica 
expositio articulorum confessionis Anglicae :" this book 
was, we know not why, much censured by the Jesuits, who 
would fain have had it burnt; but being soon after 
licensed at Rome, all farther rumour about it stopped. 
2. " Deus, Natura, Gratia : sive, tractatus de praedesti- 
natione, de meritis," &c. — Wood. Dodd. Berington. 


Saint David was the son of Xantus, Prince of Ceretica, 
now Cardiganshire, and was born about the close of the 
fifth century, and on being ordained priest retired into 
the Isle of Wight, the garden of England. From the soli- 
tude of this lovely island he at length emerged, having 
embraced an ascetic life, and went into Wales, where he 
preached the Gospel to the Britons. He built a chapel 
at Glastonbury, and founded twelve monasteries, the prin- 
cipal of which was in the vale of Ross, near Menevia. Of 
this monastery frequent mention is made in the acts of 
the Irish saints. The rules he established for his monas- 
teries were, as usual, rigid, but not so injudicious or 

418 DAVIS. 

absurd as some of the early monastic statutes. One of his 
penances was manual labour in agriculture, and, for some 
time at least, tliere was no accumulation of worldly goods, 
for whoever was admitted as a member was enjoined to 
leave every thing of that kind behind him. When the 
synod of Brevy in Cardiganshire was held in the year 519 
St. David was invited to it, and was one of the chief cham- 
pions against Pelagianism. At the close of this synod 
Dubricius, Archbishop of Caerleon upon Usk, resigned his 
see to St. David, who translated it to Menevia, now called 
St. David's. Here he died about the year 544 in a very 
advanced age. 


Rowland Davis was born near Cork, in 1649, and 
educated at Trinity College, Dublin, where he was ac- 
counted an eminent civilian. He w^as made Dean of Cork, 
and afterward vicar-general of the diocese. He wrote, A 
Letter to a Friend concerning his changing his Religion, 
London, 1694, 4to ; and The truly Catholic and Old 
Religion, shewing that the Established Church in Ireland 
is more truly a member of the Catholic Church, than the 
church of Rome, and that all the ancient Christians, 
especially in Great Britain and Ireland, were of her com- 
munion ; Dubhn, 1716, 4to. This was answered the 
same year by Timothy O'Brien, D.D., of Toulouse, in a 
pamphlet printed at Cork, anonymously, to which Davis 
replied in A Letter to the pretended Answer, &c. O'Brien 
returned to the charge with Goliath beheaded with his own 
Sword, 4to; to which Davis replied in Remarks on a 
Pamphlet entitled Goliath, &c. He also published two 
occasional S^rraons, Christian Loyalty, and a Charity 
Sermon preached at Dublin. — Moreri. Ware. 

DAWES. 419 


Sir Willia]\[ Dawes, of York, was born in 1671, at 
Lyons, (a seat belonging to his father, Sir John Dawes, 
Bart.) near Braintree, in Essex. He was placed at Mer- 
chant Taylors' School, in London, and distinguished him- 
self, before he was fifteen years of age, by his proficiency 
in the classics, and his acquaintance with the Hebrew 
language. In 1687 he was elected a scholar of St. John's 
College, Oxford, of which he became fellow. Soon after 
this, having succeeded to his father's title and estate, he 
left Oxford, and entered himself a nobleman in Catherine 
Hall, Cambridge. It had been his intention to devote 
himself to the clerical profession ; and with the design to 
qualify himself for it, he had made the works of some of 
the most eminent English divines a considerable branch 
of his study, even before he was eighteen years of age. 
As soon as he had arrived at the proper age he was 
ordained ; and before he had completed his twenty-fifth 
year he was created doctor in divinity by royal mandate, 
in order to be qualified for the mastership of Catherine 
Hall, to which he was elected in 1 696. He succeeded 
Dr. John Echard ; and finding the chapel of the college 
commenced by him, he contributed very liberally to its 
completion; and afterwards, through his interest with 
Queen Anne, obtained an act of parliament, by which a 
prebend of Norwich is permanently attached to the 
mastership of Catherine Hall. He was always distin- 
tinguished for his munificence. Soon afterwards he was 
appointed Vice-chancellor of the University, and chaplain 
in ordinary to William III., who also presented him to a 
prebendary of Worcester. In 1698 he was collated by 
Archbishop Tenison to the rectory and deanery of Booking, 
in Essex. After the accession of Queen Anne he was 
appointed one of her chaplains. In 1705 he would have 
been nominated to the bishopric of Lincoln, had he not 

4*40 DECKER. 

incurred the displeasure of certain persons in power, in 
consequence of some unpalatable observations in a sermon 
preached by him before the Queen, on the 30th of January, 
whence they were led to persuade her, contrary to her 
inclination, to give the vacant see to Dr. Wake, afterwards 
Archbishop of Canterbury. This however made no impres- 
sion upon Sir William, and therefore when he was told by 
a certain nobleman that he lost a bishopric by his preach- 
ing, his reply was, " That as to that he had no manner of 
concern, because his intention was never to gain one by 
preaching." In 1707, however, a vacancy taking place in 
the see of Chester, the Queen, of her own accord, appoint- 
ed Sir William to that bishopric; whence, in 1714, he 
was translated to the archiepiscopal see of York. As a 
preacher he was the most popular of his day. He wrote a 
poem called The Anatomy of Atheism, 1693, 4to ; The 
Duties of the Closet, &c. ; The Duties of Communicating 
explained and enforced, &c. ; Sermons preached upon 
several occasions before King William and Queen Anne, 
1707, 8vo; The Preface to the Works of Offspring 
Blackall, D.D., Bishop of Exeter, 1723, folio. He died 
in 17 '24. — Preface to his JVorks. 


John Decker was born at Hazebruck, in Flanders, in 
1559. He was a Jesuit, and became professor of theology 
at Douay and Louvain. He was sent on an embassy into 
Stiria, and was made Chancellor of Gratz University, 
where he died in 1619. He wrote Velification, sue 
Theoremata de Anno Ortus ac Mortis Domini, 4to. ; 
Tabula Chronographica a capta per Pompeium Hiero- 
solyma ad deletam a Tito Urbem, 4to, in which he dis- 
played great erudition and an extensive knowledge of 
chronology. — Moreri. 

BELRIO. 4-21 


Patrick Delany was born in Ireland, in 1686. He 
received his education in Trinity College, Dublin, where 
he obtained a fellowship, and the degree of doctor in 
divinity. He was very intimate with Swift, by whose 
interest he procured the chancellorship of Christ-church, 
and a prebend in the cathedral of St. Patrick. In 1744, 
he was made Dean of Down. He died at Bath in 1768. 
He was twice married. His second wife was distin- 
guished as an artist, and honoured by the friendship of 
George the Third. The Dean published — 1. Revelation 
examined with Candour, 3 vols, 8vo. 2. Reflections on Poly- 
gamy, 8vo. 3. The Life of David, 3 vols, 8vo. 4. Sermons 
on the Relative Duties, Svo. 5. Remarks on Orrery's 
Life of Swift, 8vo. 6. The Humourist, a periodical 
paper. — Bivg. Brit. 


Martin Antony Delrio was born at Antwerp, iii 155L 
At the age of nineteen he published notes on the tragedies 
of Seneca ; and was admitted doctor of laws at Salamanca 
in 1574. He afterwards became a counsellor of the par- 
liament of Brabant; but in 1580 he entered into the 
society of Jesuits. He died at Louvain in 1608. He pub- 
lished an edition of Solinus, and a few years afterwards, 
notes on Claudian, and on the tragedies of Seneca, toge- 
ther with some treatises on law ; also Disquisitiones 
Magicae, in 3 vols, 4to, 1599 and 1691 ; Commentaries on 
Genesis, the Song of Solomon, and the Lamentations of 
Jeremiah, 3 vols, 4to, 1604 and 1608 ; Sacred Adages of 
the Old and New Testaments, in Latin, in two vols, 4to, 
1612 ; three volumes of Explications of some of the most 
difficult and important Passages of Scripture ; Vindicia^ 
Areopagitae, 1607; Peniculus Foriarum Elenchi Scali^ 
geriani pro Societate Jesu. — Bioff. UniverseUe. Moren. 

VOL. IV 2 s 

122 DERHAM. 


John Denne was born at Littlebourne in Kent, in 1693. 
He was educated first at Sandwich, next at Canterbury, 
and lastly at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, where he 
took his degree and obtained a fellowship. On receiving 
holy orders he was presented to the perpetual curacy of 
St. Benedict's, Cambridge, and in 1721 to the rectory of 
Green Norton, Northamptonshire. This last he exchanged 
in 1723 for the vicarage of St. Leonard, Shoreditch. In 
1725 he preached the Boyle's Lecture ; and in 1728, being 
then doctor in divinity, he was installed Archdeacon of 
Rochester, to which was added in the following year the 
vicarage of St. Margaret's in that city ; but this he resigned 
on being presented to the rectory of Lambeth in 1731. 
He died in 1767. Dr. Denne pubhshed — 1. Some Ser- 
mons. 2. Articles of Inquiry for a Parochial Visitation. 
3. The state of Bromley College in Kent. 4. A Register 
of Benefactions to the parish of Shoreditch, 4to. He 
assisted Mr. Lewis in his Life of Wickliffe, collated 
Hearne's Textus Roffensis, and intended to have written 
a History of the Church of Rochester. — Masters s Hist, of 
C.C.C.C. Nichols's Bowyer. 


William Derham was born at Stoughton, near Worces- 
ter, in 1657, and having received his primary education at 
Blockley in his native county, was sent to Trinity College, 
Oxford, in 1675. He was ordained deacon by Bishop 
Compton in 1681, and priest by Ward, Bishop of Salis- 
bury, in 1682. Being presented in the same year to the 
living of Wargrave, in Berkshire, and in 1689 to the 
rectory of Upminster, in Essex, he devoted the best part 
of the time he could spare from his parochial duties to 
liiathematics and experimental philosophy, making these 

DERING. 423 

'studies subservient to the claims of religion, and the duties 
of his sacred calling. In 1702 he was chosen fellow of 
the Royal Society, and enriched the Philosophical Tran- 
sactions with many valuable communications. In 1716 
he was made canon of Windsor ; and the university of 
Oxford, in 1730, granted him the degree of D.D. for his 
meritorious services in the cause of science and religion, 
*' Ob libros ab ipso editos, quibus physicam et mathesin 
auctiorem reddidit, et ad religionem veramque fidem 
revocavit." His publications are very numerous, and are 
mostly on philosophical subjects. The best known of his 
works are his Physico-Theology, sixteen discourses preached 
at the Boyle Lecture, in 1711 and 1712, and in 1714 his 
Astro-Theology, and in 1730 his Christo-Theology, a ser- 
mon to prove the Divine origin of Christianity ; besides The 
Artificial Clock- maker, an ingenious book written in his 
younger years, the fourth edition of which was published 
in 1734. He also revised the Miscellanea Curiosa, pre- 
pared notes and observations for Eleazar Albin's Natural 
History, 4 vols, 4to, and published some pieces of Mr. Ray, 
of which he had procured the MSS., and also the phi- 
losophical experiments of Dr. Robert Hook. The last 
published work of his own was entitled, A Defence of the 
Church's Right in Leasehold Estates, written in answer 
to a work entitled, An Inquiry into the Customary 
Estates and Tenant-rights of those who hold Lands of 
the Church and other foundations, published in the 
name of Everard Fleetwood. He died, deservedly lament- 
ed, at his rectory at Upminster, on the 5th of April, 
17^6.— Biog. Brit. 


Edward Dering was a native of Kent, and educated at 
Christ's College, Cambridge, of which he was chosen fellow 
in 1568. In 1567 he was admitted Lady Margaret's pro- 
fessor of divinity. He was also one of the preachers at 
St. Paul's, and in 1569 obtained the rectory of Pluckley, 


in the diocese of Canterbury, and became chaplain to the 
Dnke of Norfolk. In 1571 he was presented by the Queen 
to the prebend of Chardstoke, in the cathedral of Salisbury. 
He was a bitter puritan, and violently opposed to the prin- 
ciples of the English Reformation. The following account 
is given of him by Strype. He was one of the head puritans 
in his days, and a person of some authority, being chaplain 
to the Duke of Norfolk, and of a gix^d family in Kent. He 
was also esteemed a great preacher and a great scholar in 
London and in Cambridge. He did conform, indeed, to 
the use of the cap and surplice, and bore with the calling 
of Bishops and Archbishops, though he liked neither, and 
was earnest to have them abolished. As he was a man of 
great confidence and assurance, so he was of as great zeal 
and heat ; and would take the freedom to speak his mind 
to the highest, as he did often to the Lord Treasurer 
Burghley ; who having sent down, not long before, some 
new statutes to Cambridge, as their chancellor, upon the 
complaints of the heads of that university against the 
tumults and disorders, occasioned by such who spake 
against and disobeyed the ecclesiastical orders, and against 
the jurisdiction and superiority of Bishops; Mr. Bering 
presumed to write a long letter to him, dated November 
18, 1570, charging him highly for so doing; saying, that 
he had sent unrighteous statutes to Cambridge. He be- 
lieved, he said, he was moved to do this by the information 
of the heads, that there were great troubles there ; but on 
the other hand, Bering informed him, that there was good 
quietness, in respect of the tumults that his statutes 
brought; telling him, if he did not believe him, he did 
him wrong, being a minister of Christ. That the doctors 
and heads had procured him to enjoin new statutes, to 
the utter undoing of them that feared God ; and to the 
burdening of their consciences, that dared not yield unto 
sin. And he then proceeded to shew what kind of men 
these doctors and heads were, to whom he had given such 
credit: namely, Br. Pern, of Peter-house ; Br. Harvey, of 
Trinity-hall ; Br. Caius, founder and master of Caius 

BERING. 425 

College ; Dr. Hawford, master of Christ's ; Dr. Ithel, 
master of Jesus. He said, they were all either enemies 
of God's Gospel, or so faint professors, that they did little 
good in the Church. That he would not tell their private 
faults ; but he kuew so many, as, if his lordship feared 
God, it would grieve him to see such masters of colleges. 
That Dr. Harvey had scarce chosen one protestant to be 
fellow these twelve years. [That is, from the time he was 
put in master, in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's 
reign, to that time.] That Dr. Pern kept such curates as 
fled away beyond the seas : [meaning that turned Roman 
Catholics, and went thither for the profession and exercise 
of their religion.] That Dr. Hawford could not be brought 
to take away neither popish boolvs nor garments without 
great importunity ; and, in the end, all the best and rich- 
est he conveyed, none of the fellows knew whither. Of 
Dr. May, of Katherine-hall, and Dr. Chaderton, of Queen's, 
he said, there was small constancy, either in their lives or 
in their religion. That Dr. Whitgift, of Trinity College, 
was a man whom he had loved ; but yet he was a man, 
and God had suffered him to fall into great infirmities ; 
so froward a mind against Mr. Cartwright, and other such, 
bewrayed a conscience full of sickness. That his affections 
ruled him, and not his learning, when he framed his 
cogitations to get new statutes. I observe here, by the 
way, of what masters he is silent : namely, of Pembroke- 
hall, who was Dr. Fulk; of Magdalen, Dr: Kelk ; of 
St. John's, Longworth, or Shepherd ; of Bene't, AJdrich ; 
of King's, Dr, Goad. And these were puritans, or favour- 
ers of them. 

After Dering had charged Sir William Cecil home with 
these statutes, he advised him to make some reparations. 
"That he, that had been brought so easily to hurt God's 
people, to do pleasure to the pope, and with so fearful 
statutes (I repeat his words) had proceeded to the punish- 
ment of so small offences, should make some good statutes 
that might punish sm.'^ And particularly to send down 
•2s 2 

426 DERTNG. 

a new statute, that no master of a house should have a 
benefice, except he served it himself. 

This Dering was disliked bj the Bishops, and some 
other great personages, and men of countenance, and 
charged by them to be a vain man, and full of fancies. 
The reason whereof was, as he gave it himself, that he 
would boldly tell them of their common swearing by the 
name of God, and of their covetousness. He would com- 
plain much of papists ; which in twelve years, during 
which space the Queen had reigned, had never received 
the Sacrament. He spoke against their courtly apparel ; 
that it was not meet for such as should be more sober. 
He would not accompany and consort with such as were 
open persecutors of the Church of God. It grieved him 
to see a benefice of a great parish given from a spiritual 
pastor to a temporal man : and that, for a hundred pound 
in gold, the Bishop should give his good-will to grant a 
lease of a beneiice for a hundred years to come. These, 
and such like things, when he observed, he w^ould freely 
speak his mind of; and perhaps was too apt to believe 
and spread slanderous reports, especially of Bishops. 
The letter of this man to Sir William Cecil, out of which 
I have collected for the most part, what is mentioned 
before, I have reposited in the appendix. 

He read lectures in St. Paul's. But he had vented 
such doctrines there, that he was convented before the 
lords, and forbid to read any more in that place. In his 
readings there, he condemned the quoting of fathers in 
pulpits; styling it, filling the pulpits with doctors and 
councils, and many vanities, where they should only speak 
the word of God. " Did I speak," said he, "out of the 
fathers, and knew it not to be the word of God, be it never 
so true in the doctors' mouth, in mine it is sin, because I 
speak not as I am taught of God." He in these lectures 
was a zealous assertor of the sufferings of Christ's soul in 
his passion : saying ' He suffered, for our sakes, not only 
the torments of His body, but the anguish of His soul, and 

BERING. 427 

the wrath of His Father. Fj upon tliose blasphemous 
speeches, and cursed words, which saj, He suffered nothing 
but bodily pain.'' He taught such doctrines as seemed to 
derogate from the civil power, and to free good Christians 
from earthly magistrates : saying, "that God had made a 
Christian lord of all ; and in heaven and earth w^e have no 
lord but the Lord Jesus. By faith we are one with Him ; 
His power is ours : we reign with Him, we are risen with 
Him, and the world hath no power over us." What shall 
we think of such servile men, who will lead us into bond- 
age of every trifle, whom Christ hath made rulers over all 
the world? As though he held the doctrine of dominion 
founded in grace. These, and such like unwary expres- 
sions, not to say worse, were vented by him in his readings 
upon the Epistle to tlie Hebrews, which were printed. 
And which, I su|)pose, might be the occasion that his 
readings were restrained by authority. 

It is not surprising that such a man should be forbidden 
by the privy council to preach, which was the case in 1573. 
It was reported of Bering when brought before the council, 
that he said in his lecture at Pauls upon Tuesday was 
seven-night, the 3rd of April, that Christ did descend into 
hell only, by suffering the great burden of our sins, hang- 
ing on the cross. And that that descending that the old 
fathers do speak upon, that he should afterwards descend 
into hell, is but a mere superstitious error of the fathers, 
and papistry. 

In his lecture, the fifth of this month, he likewise 
affirmed the same ; and also did say that it was unlawful, 
and against the law of nature, that any man should be 
suffered to hang on any gallows after that he is dead. 

In* the next lecture, the seventh of this month, he did 
say, that nowadays it was thought well enough for a good 
minister, if he have a gown, and a cap and tippet, though 
he do not preach. If he have a gow^n and tippet, he is an 
honest man : if he have a gown and tippet, he is well 
learned, and hath no fault, and that though he do never 
come at his benefice. 

4-28 BERING. 

Item, At bis lecture he openly protested, that of right 
the election of ministers to benefices or cures belongeth 
to the people, and of ancient writers is justified that it 
ought to be so. 

Item, The 11th day of December, 157^, he said, put- 
ting off his cap, Now I will prophesy, that Matthew Parker 
shall be the last Archbishop of Canterbury : or (as it is 
related in another MS.) that he shall be the last Arch- 
bishop that shall sit in that seat. Accipio omen, quoth 
Cartwright. The third man said, that they should first rue 
it, with other opprobious words spoke at that time. 

The issue of the appearance and examination of these 
men was this. The council took order, that Dering should 
not read his lectures at St. Paul's. 

But, says Strype, during his suspension, the Bishop 
of London out of his good nature interceded with the 
Lord Treasurer for his liberty to read again, and that his 
lordship would procure the consent of the lords to release 
him, and to suffer him to proceed with his lecture as 
before ; so that he taught sound doctrine, exhorted to 
virtue, dehorted from vice ; and touching matter of order 
and policy, meddled not with them, but left them to the 
magistrate. And he believed, he said, Dering would l>e 
brought unto it. He thought these general dealings best 
for the present time, and would quiet many minds. He 
thought a soft plaster better than a corrosive to be applied 
in this sort. That this man would be spared, but well 
schooled. But this council towards this man, and at this 
time, the Lord Treasurer disliked, and sharply reproved 
the Bishop of London, who gave it. But however the 
bishop got oif Dering s suspension, and had him restored. 
And this witliout the advice of the bishops, commissk>ners, 
and notwithstanding Dering's favourable thoughts of Cart- 
wright's book. For there had been several dangerous 
articles taken out of that book, propounded unto Dering 
for his answer, to try his judgment before they thought tit 
to restore him. And his answers proved to be such as 

BERING. 429 

looked very kindly towards the opinions therein : yet be 
found favour, and was allowed again to read and preach. 

But behold the issue and the reward ! He and his 
party hereat triumphed unmeasureably in London ; giving 
out, that her majesty, and the whole council, liked well of 
Bering, and of his assertions before set down ; and that 
it was only the malicious proud bishop that sought his 

When the lords had thus set Bering at liberty to read 
again, and that notwithstanding his open favouring of 
Cartwright's principles, the archbishop, and several other 
bishops were much troubled. The Bishop of Ely wrote 
hereupon to the Lord Treasurer, disapproving of the coun- 
cils act in restoring him by their own authority, as a man 
sound in judgment, without consulting and advising with 
spiritual men ; whose proper function and business it had 
been. And that they ought not to have determined of 
religion without the assistance of such as were professors 
of the same. For this favourable proceeding with Bering 
was upon an answer he gave to some articles that were 
offered him concerning Cartwright's book, as was said before. 
Which answers the Bishop of Ely said were fond and un- 
true; but the council, on the other hand, seemed satisfied 
with those answers. And the bishop affirmed, that they 
ought in these matters to have taken the judgment of 
divines. And for proof hereof, he put the Lord Treasurer 
in mind of two authorities ; the one of Arcadius and 
Honorius, the other of Bullinger, whom he styled, Columna 
una in ecclesia Christi; i.e. " one of the pillars in Christ's 
Chur^jh." That of Arcadius and Honorius was this, Quo- 
tws de religione agitur, Ejnscojjos convenit agitare : that 
is, " As often as the matter is concerning religion, it is 
convenient to call upon the bishops." That of Bullinger, 
Sacerdotum proprimn est qfficium, de religione ex verho Dei 
constituere. Prindpum autem est, juvare Sacerdotes et 
provehere tnerique veram religion em, : that is, "It is the 
proper office of priests to determine concerning religion 
out of God's Word ; and of princes to assist the priests. 

430 DERING. 

and to promote and defend true religion." And for this 
cause, added he, in all godly assemblies priests have 
usually been called, as in parliaments, in privy councils, 
especially when matters of religion have been treated of. 
And the said godly bishop seemed inclinable in his zeal 
to move the Queen's majesty in this matter. But he 
trusted the Lord Treasurer in his wisdom and godly zeal 
would do it. 

The Bishop of London was silent when Bering and 
three others were cited into the Star-chamber, and had 
favour. For this silence the Queen bitterly rebuked him 
afterward, when it was heard how Bering and his party 
had carried themselves upon his liberty. 

Between Bering and the Bishop of London, after he 
had procured him permission to read his lecture again, 
Strype observes, there happened some contest. For when 
Bering came to the Bishop to tell him that the council 
had by their letters restored him ; adding, that he never 
thought he should be kept long from it ; for that the 
whole council favoured him, except the Lord Treasurer; the 
Bishop desired to see his letters. He answered they were 
at home. [Indeed the council gave him no letters.] The 
Bishop said, he would see them, or he should not read ; 
and added, that except he read more soberly and discreetly 
than he had done, he would forbid him reading in Paul's. 
Bering replied. If you do forbid me, I think that I shall 
obey, lest some disordered fellows bid you come off your 
horse when you shall ride down Cheapside, [boasting of 
his popularity.] But the Bishop in some heat answered, 
your threatenings shall not terrify me. For I will forth- 
with ride down Cheapside to try what your disordered 
scholars will do. ♦ 

Bering being, as you see, of an hot spirit, was not long 
after silenced a second time. Which was done upon the 
Bishop's complaint to the Lord Treasurer and council 
against him, and upon his desire expressed to the said 
Treasurer, that Bering still standing against the estab- 
lished Church, he would get an order to be sent from the 

DERING. ^ 481 

Queen, to forbid him to read his lectures any more. The 
Bishop had told the said lord, how he had in his church 
opposed and spoken against the orders of the Church. 
Whereupon the Treasurer declared, that if any Bishop 
of any church shall understand, that any public reader in 
his church doth oppugn the common order of the ministry 
in the Church established by law, it is his duty, upon 
good knowledge thereof, to remove him. The Bishop also 
writ both to the Lord Treasurer and Earl of Leicester, 
concerning his dislike of Bering's continuance. And they 
at length acquainted the Queen therewith : who thereupon 
commanded the Treasurer to charge the Bishop to remove 
him. And so she commanded him to notify to her coun- 
cil. A warrant for this purpose was sent to the Bishop to 
disallow Bering from reading. Which was accordingly 
done by the Bishop : and he desired to know, whether he 
should place another in his room. 

Bering about this time carried a falsehood to the Lord 
Treasurer concerning the Bishop. Which created the poor 
Bishop some trouble before he could be well reconciled 
to that lord again. For Bering "brought a report to the 
Lord Treasurer's ears, that he and the Bishop being 
together, and arguing concerning his being outed of his 
lectureship, the Bishop, to draw the odium from himself, 
and to lay it somewhere else, charged the matter wholly 
upon the Lord Treasurer. This the Treasurer took in ill 
part from the Bishop, as though he should in an open 
presence tell Mr. Bering, that he knew no other cause 
to displace him, but that my Lord Treasurer willed 
him so to do : and that otherwise he had no matter 
to charge him withal. Upon this the Treasurer wrote 
an expostulatory letter to the Bishop. To which the 
Bishop made answer, denying it utterly, that he had 
said any such word of his Lordship. And " that, upon 
the faith of a Christian, there never passed such word 
privately or publicly between Bering and him, neither 
yet any others. But that it was Bering's custom to lie." 
It was his common fault, and commonly noted of him ; 

43'^ DICKSON. 

and these are some of the transactions between the Bishop 
and Dering, and of the unhappy Church contentions in 

When Sampson was obliged to retire from the lecture 
at Whittington College, London, he endeavoured to ob- 
tain the appointment for Dering, but was unsuccessful. 
Dering died in 1573. His principal works are: — 1. A 
Lecture or Exposition upon a part of the fifth chapter of 
the Epistle to the Hebrews, as it was read in St. Paul's, 
December 6, 1572, London, 1581, 16mo. This work was 
extended to twenty-seven Lectures or Readings upon part 
of that Epistle, 1576. *2. A Sermon preached before the 
Queen's majesty, February 25, 1569, London 1584. 3. A 
Sermon preached at the Tower of London, December 11, 
1569, i6. 1584. 4. Certain godly and comfortable Letters, 
full of Christian consolation, &c. 4to ; all of which, with 
some other tracts of Dering's, were collected and print' d 
in one vol. 8vo, by Field,, in 1595. — Strype's Parker and 
Annals. Tanner. Fuller. 


Deusdedit was the sixth Archbishop of Canterbury, 
and succeeded Honorius after the see had been vacant 
eighteen months. His original name was Frithona, and 
he took the name of Deusdedit on his consecration. He 
died in 664. He was a man famous for his learning and 
other virtues, was the first Englishman or Saxon who 
was archbishop, and was the last archbishop who was 
buried in the church porch of St. Augustines. — Godwin. 


David Dickson was bom at Glasgow in 1583. After 
taking his degree of Master of Arts, he became professor 
of philosophy in the College of Glasgow. He was in the 
Presbyterian ministry, and was chiefly distinguished for 
his bitter and incessant hatred of the Church. In 1614 


became professor of divinity at Glasgow ; from whence he 
removed to Edinburgh, but was ejected for nonconforniity 
in 1662 ; and died the same year. He wrote — LA Com- 
mentary on the Hebrews, 8vo. 2. On Matthew, 4to. 
o. On the Psalms, 3 vols. 12mo. 4. On the Epistles, 
Latin and English, folio. 5. Therapeutica Sacra, 4to. 
6. A Treatise on the Promises, 12mo. He had a share in 
drawing up the Confession of Faith, on which he deli- 
vered Praelectiones, which were published in folio. — Scot's 


John Diec^man, a Lutheran theologian, was born at 
Stade in 1647. He became superintendant of the duchies 
of Bremen and Verdun, and rector of the university of 
Stade, where he died in 1724. He wrote — 1 . De naturalismo 
cum aliorum, tum maxime Joannis Bodini, ex Opere ejus 
manuscripto Anecdote, de abditis Eerum sublimium Ar- 
canis, Schediasma, licipsic, 1684, 12mo. 2. Specimen 
Glossarii Latino-theotisci. 3. Dissertationes de sparsione 
Florum. 4. De Dissensu Ecclesiae Orientalis etLatinae circa 
Purgatorium. 5. Enneades Animadversionum in diversa 
Loca Annalium Cardinalis Baronii, &c. He wrote also 
various tracts in the German language, published at Ham- 
burgh, 1709, 4to. But he is, perhaps, better known as 
the publisher of an edition of the Stade Bible, which is a 
revision of Luther's German Bible. — Moreri. 


John Conrad Dieteric, a Lutheran theologian, was 
Wn at Butzbach, in Germany, in 1612. He became pro- 
fessor of Greek and History at Giessen, where he died in 
1669. He wrote, — De Peregrinatione Studiorum ; Grtecia 
exulans, seu de Infelicitate superioris Saeculi, in Gra3carum 

VOL. IV. 2 T 


Literarum Ignoratione ; Antiquitates Romanas ; latreum 
Hippocraticum ; Breviarium Haereticorum et Conciliorum ; 
Lexicon Etymologico-Gragcum ; Antiquitates Biblicae, in 
quibus Decreta, Prophetse, Sermones, Consuetudines, 
Ritusque ac Dicta Veteris Testamenti de Rebus Judaeorum 
et Gentilium qua sacris, qua profanis, expenduntur, ex 
Editione Jo. Just. Pistorii, 1671, folio; and Antiquitates 
Novi Testamenti, seu Illustramentum Novi Testamenti; 
sive Lexicon Philologico-theologicum Graeco-Latinum in 

Novum Testamentum, 1680, folio. Moreri Biog. 



Lewis de Dieu, a Protestant theologian, was born at 
Flushing in 1590. He became professor in the Walloon 
College, at Leyden ; and died there in 1642. He pub- 
lished, or wrote, Compendium GrammaticsB Hebraicee, 
Leyden, 1626, 4to , Apocalypsis S. Joannas Syriace ex 
Manuscripto exemplari Bibliothecae Jos. Scaligeri edita, 
&c. Leyden, 1627, 4to ; Grammatica Trilinguis, He- 
braica, Syriaca, et Chaldaica, ibid. 1628, 4to ; Animad- 
versiones in quatuor Evangelia, ibid. 1631, 4to ; Anim- 
adversiones in Acta Apostolorum, ibid. 1634, 4to ; His- 
toria Christi et S. Petri Persice conscripta, ibid. 1639, 
4to ; Rudimenta Linguae Persicae, ibid. 1639, 4to ; 
Animadversiones in Epistolam ad Romanes et reliquas 
Epistolas, ibid. 1646, 4to ; Animadversiones in omnes 
Libros Veteris Testamenti, ibid. 1648; Critica Sacra, sive 
Animadversiones in Loca quaedam difficiliora Veteris et 
Novi Testamenti, Amst. 1693, folio; Grammatica Lingua- 
rum Orientalium ex Recensione Davidis Clodii, Francfort, 
l683,4to; Aphorismi Theologi, Utrecht, 1693; Traite 
centre r Avarice ; Deventer, 1693, 8vo; Rhetorica Sacra. — 
Gen. Diet. Moreri. 



David de Dinanto, a heretic of the thirteenth century, 
was a disciple of Amauri, or Almaric, who imbibed 
many errors from the study of Aristotle, and fell under 
the ecclesiastical censure of the second couDcil of 
Paris. The writings both of Amauri and Dinanto were 
condemned to be burnt ; which sentence was followed 
by a general prohibition of the use of the physical 
and metaphysical writings of Aristotle in the schools 
by the synod of Paris, and afterwards under pope 
Innocent III. by the council of the Lateran. Dinanto 
composed a work entitled Quaternarii, with several other 
productions, which were chiefly designed to affect and 
gain the multitude, in which he partly succeeded, until 

he was obliged to save himself by flight. Moreri. Biog. 



Anthony Dinoraet, a French theologian, was born at 
Amiens in 1715, and died at Paris in 1786. He was 
canon to the chapter of St. Benedict at Paris, and mem- 
ber of the society of Arcadi at Ptome. He wrote an 
Ecclesiastical Journal; also Embryologia Sacra, 12mo; 
the Manual for Pastors, 3 vols. 12mo; the Pihetoric of 

Preachers, &c. ; Anecdotes Ecclesiastiques, &c. Diet. 



DiONYSius the Areopagite, was originally of Thrace, 
according to the dialogues ascribed, though incorrectly, to 
Caesarius, the brother of Gregory Nazianzen. St. Chrysos- 
tom asserts that he was a citizen of Athens. He was a 
member of the council of Areopagus, which was, properly 
speaking, the court for criminal causes in that city. When 


St. Paul preached at Athens, Dionysius was one of his 
converts. A woman named Damaris partook of the same 
happiness, and by some of the fathers she is spoken of as 
the wife of Dionysius. He was the first Bishop of Athens, 
as we learn from his namesake of Corinth. He crowned 
his hfe with a glorius martyrdom, after having given an 
illustrious testimony of his faith, and suffered most hor- 
rible torments. The works attributed to him are spurious, 
and could hardly have been composed before the sixth 
century. They were printed at Cologne in 1536 ; at Ant- 
werp in 1634, and at Paris in 1644. — Tillemont. Cave. 


Dionysius, of Corinth, flourished according to Eusebius 
in his Chronicon about the year 171. At the eleventh 
year of the reign of Marcus Antoninus, he speaks of 
Dionysius Bishop of Corinth, as " a sacred man," then 
in reputation. 

St. Jerome says of him, that he had a great deal of elo- 
quence and zeal; and that he shewed in his writings from 
what philosophers each heresy had taken its poison. He 
has been spoken of as a martyr, but without any founda- 
tion in antiquity. The following is the account of his 
writings given by Eusebius : 

Dionysius was appointed over the church at Corinth, 
and imparted freely, not only to his own people, but 
to others abroad also, the blessings of his divine labours. 
But he was most useful to all in the catholic epistles 
that he addressed to the churches ; one of which is 
addressed to the Lacedaemonians, and contains instruc- 
tions in the true religion, and inculcates peace and 
unity. One also to the Athenians, exciting them to 
the faith, and the life prescribed by the gospel, from 
which he shows that they had swerved, so that they had 
nearly fallen from the truth, since the martyrdom of 
Publius, then bishop, which happened in the persecutions 


of those times. He also makes mention of Quadratus, 
who was bishop after the martyrdom of Publius, bearing 
witness also that the church was again collected, and the 
faith of the people revived by his exertions. He states, 
moreover, that Dionysius the Areopagite, who was con- 
verted to the faith by Paul the Apostle, according to the 
statement in the Acts of the Apostles, first obtained the 
episcopate of the church at Athens. There is also another 
epistle of his extant, addressed to the Nicomedians, in 
which he refutes the heresy of Marcion, and adheres 
closely to the rule of faith. In an epistle to the church 
of Gortyna, and to the other churches in Crete, he com- 
mends their bishop Philip, for the numerous instances of 
fortitude that the church evinced under him, according to 
the testimony of all, whilst he cautions them against the 
perversions of the heretics. He also wrote to the Church 
at xlraastris, together with those at Pontus, in which he 
makes mention of Bacchylides and Elpistus, as those who 
urged him to write. He also adds some expositions of 
the sacred writings, where he intimates that Palmas was 
then bishop. He also recommends many things in regard 
to marriage, and the purity to be observed by those who 
enter this state, and enjoins upon the Church to receive 
kindly all that return again from their backslidings, 
whether heresy or delinquency. Among them is also 
inserted an epistle to the Gnossians, in which he admon- 
ishes Pinytus, the bishop of the church, not to impose 
upon the brethren without necessity, a burden in regard 
to purity too great to be borne, but to pay regard to the 
infirmity of the great mass. To which Pinytus, writing 
in reply, admires and applauds Dionysius, but exhorts 
him at the same time to impart some time or other 
stronger food, and to feed the people under him with 
writings abounding in more perfect doctrine when he 
wrote again, so that they might not remain constantly 
nurtured with milk, and imperceptibly grow old, under a 
discipline calculated only for children. In which epistle, 
2t -2 


also, the correct views which Pinytus cherished, his solici- 
tude respecting the welfare of those that were committed 
to his care, and his learning and intelligence in divine 
matters, are exhibited as in a most perfect image. There 
is yet another epistle, to the Romans, ascribed to Diony- 
sius, and addressed to Soter the bishop of that city, from 
which we may also subjoin some extracts, from that part 
where he commends a practice of the Romans retained 
even to the persecution in our day. He writes as follows: 
" For this practice has prevailed with you from the very 
beginning, to do good to all the brethren in every way, 
and to send contributions to many churches in every city. 
Thus refreshing the needy in their want, and furnishing 
to the brethren condemned to the mines, what was neces- 
sary ; by these contributions which ye have been accus- 
tomed to send from the beginning, you preserve, as 
Romans, the practices of your ancestors. Which was not 
only observed by your bishop Soter, but also increased, as 
he not only furnished great supplies to the saints, but 
also encouraged the brethren that came from abroad, as a 
loving father his children, with consolatory words." In 
this same letter he mentions that of Clement to the 
Corinthians, showing that it was the practice to read in 
the churches, even from the earliest times. "To-day," 
says he, " we have passed the Lord's holy-day, in which 
we have read your epistle ; in reading w^hich we shall 
always have our minds stored with admonition, as we 
shall, also, from that written to us before by Clement." 
Besides this, the same author writes respecting his own 
epistles as having been corrupted: "As the brethren," 
says he, " desired me to wTite epistles, 1 wrote them, and 
these the apostles of the devil have filled wdth tares, 
exchanging some things, and adding others, for whom 
there is a woe reserved. It is not, therefore, matter of 
wonder, if some have also attempted to adulterate the 
sacred writings of the Lord, since they have attempted the 
sarao in other works that are not to be compared with 


these." There is also another epistle attributed to this 
Dionjsius, addressed to his most faithful sister Chryso- 
phora, in which he writes what was suitable to her, and 
imparts also to her the proper spiritual food. — Eusehius. 


DioNYSius, of Alexandria, was a Sabaite by birth, that 
is, as appears probable, an Arabian : he was of an honour- 
able and wealthy family, but a pagan. It happened that 
the Epistles of St. Paul were one day lent to him by a 
poor woman who had embraced the true faith ; and a 
perusal of them induced him not only to purchase the 
volume, but to make inquiry whether the Christians were 
in possession of other works that bore a similar character. 
The woman advised him to apply to the priests of the 
Church ; and, on his complying with her advice, the books 
which they lent, and the instructions which they gave him, 
were made the means of his conversion. 

He had Origen for his master, and was one of the most 
grateful pupils of that eminent man. Upon the promotion 
of Heraclas to the bishopric of Alexandria, in 8'21, or 'd'29,, 
Dionysius succeeded him in the catechetical school of that 
city, and was very successful in bringing many pagans to 
the knowledge of the truth. In his third epistle concern- 
ing baptism, written to Philemon, a presbyter of Rome, 
he relates the following circumstances : " I perused," says 
he, " the works and traditions of the heretics, defiling ray 
mind for a little with their execrable sentiments ; but I have 
also derived this benefit from them, viz., to refute them in 
my own mind, and to feel the greater disgust at them. 
And when a certain brother of the presbyters attempted 
to restrain me, and was much in dread lest I should be 
carried aw^ay by this sink of iniquity, saying that my mind 
would be corrupted, in which he spoke the truth, as I 
thought, I was confirmed in my purpose by a vision sent 
me from heaven, when a voice came to me and commanded 


me in words as follows : ' Read all that thou takest in 
hand, for thou art qualified to correct and prove all, and 
this very thing has been the cause of thy faith in Christ 
from the beginning.' I received the vision as coinciding 
with the apostolic declaration, which says to the more 
competent, ' Be ye skilful money-changers.' " 

In the year 247, or 248, Dionysius succeeded Heraclas 
in the episcopate, being a married man. He was the 
thirteenth Archbishop of Alexandria. His episcopate was 
full of trouble. Even before the Decian persecution, which 
commenced in 249, or 250 ; the Christians of Alexandria 
had suffered persecution under Philip. The following is 
the account of the conduct of Dionysius on the occasion, 
as given by Mr, Neale, who follows the hypothesis of 

On the first tidings of the persecution, the consterna- 
tion in Alexandria was dreadful. Some of those who had 
previously made a high profession, ran voluntarily to the 
altars, exclaiming that they had never been Christians, 
and sacrificing with alacrity ; others, urged on by their 
neighbours, came with pale countenances and trembling 
limbs, amidst the jeers and mockery of the heathen, who 
evidently perceived them to be almost equally afraid of 
living by sin, or dying in torments. Others confessed the 
name of Christ before the magistrate, were thrown into 
prison, and after a few days' endurance, apostatized ; 
others, after resisting the torture for some time, yielded 
to it, and offered sacrifice. 

Dionysius gives us an account of what befel himself, 
prefacing his statement with an appeal to God that his 
story is exactly true. The edict for persecution had no 
sooner reached Alexandria, than Sabinus, Augusta! prae- 
fect, dispatched a sergeant of police in search of the prelate. 
The Bishop remained quietly in his house ; while the 
party of soldiers sought him for four days, in every unlikely 
place, roads, rivers, and fields; but by a divine infatuation, 
never thought of searching the Bishop's own habitation. 
On the fifth day, Dionysius received a supernatural inti- 


mation to fly ; lie was accompanied by his children and 
several of his priests. During his journey, he was made 
useful to some of his flock ; probably in confirming their 
minds, and alleviating their fears. 

At sunset, however, the Bishop fell into the hands of 
his persecutors ; and, it being then not more than five or 
six o'clock, was examined before the magistrates, and 
sentenced to exile at Taposiris. This was a little city in 
Mareotis, about a day's journey from Alexandria. A priest 
named Timothy, who is by some believed to be the bishop's 
son, was absent when Dionysius left his house ; on return- 
ing there towards evening, he found the place occupied by 
soldiers, and learnt that the prelate had been sent to 
Taposiris. After hearing these tidings, he took the road 
to Mareotis, and the anguish that he felt was sufficiently 
displayed in his countenance. A countryman, whom he 
met, inquired the cause of his agitation. On learning 
the misfortune that had befallen Dionysius, the man, 
then going to a nuptial feast, at that time carried on 
through the whole night, hastened to the house where the 
banquet was prepared, and stated the circumstance to the 
assembled guests. They arose as one man, laid hands on 
what they could find as instruments of defence, and 
assaulted the house where the bishop was confined. The 
guard took them for banditti, and dispersed. Dionysius, 
who had retired to rest, was at first under the same mi;*- 
take, and pointing to his clothes, bade them take all he 
had, and begone. When he discovered their real design^ 
and perceived that they were bent on his liberation, he 
refused to stir; and besought them if they were really 
willing to do him a service, to rid his guards of any further 
trouble, by cutting off his head It was in vain that they 
prayed and conjured him to have pity, if not on his own 
life, at least on the state of his Church ; he remained 
inflexible. They at length had recourse to actual violence ; 
and raising him forcibly from his bed, carried him ofL 
All those who had been with him followed; he made 
choice of tv\-o only, Peter and Caius, to be his companions* 


and with them retired into the desert till the violence of 
the persecution should have exhausted itself. 

It was while he was in the desert of Libya that Dionysius 
addressed his exhortation on martyrdom to Origen, of which 
work some considerable fragments remain. Dionysius 
appears to have returned to Alexandria on the termination 
of the Decian persecution, some time in 251. But in 257 
another persecution was raised under Valerian : we have 
an account of the occurrences of this persecution given us 
by Dionysus himself, whose letter is preserved in Eusebius: 
as soon as the edict of persecution reached Alexandria, 
Dionysius was summoned before ^milianus, Augustal 
praefect; "I came," he says, " to ^Emilianus not alone, 
but in company with my fellow presbyter Maximus, and 
the deacons Faustus, Eusebius, and Chaeremon, together 
with a certain one of the brethren who had come from 
Rome, -^milianus, however, did not at first say to me, 
Hold no assemblies, as this was superfluous, and was the 
last thing to one who was aiming at what was the first in 
importance ; for he was not concerned about my collecting 
others, but that we should not be Christians, and from 
this he commanded me to desist, thinking, no doubt, 
that if I changed, others would follow my example. But 
I answered him not without good reason, and without 
many words, 'We must obey God rather than man.' I 
directly bore witness, that I could neither renounce the 
exclusive worship of the only true God, nor ever cease to 
be a Christian. Upon this he commanded us to go away 
?o a neighbouring village of the desert, called Cephro. 

" But hear the words that were uttered by both of us, 
as they were recorded. Dionysius and Faustus, Maximus, 
Marcellus, and Chseremon, being arraigned, ^milianus, 
the prefect, said : ' I have even personally reasoned with 
you on the clemency of our sovereigns, which you have 
also experienced. For they have given you the chance of 
saving yourselves, if you are disposed to turn to the course 
of nature, and worship the gods that have preserved them 
in their government, and to forget those practices which 


are so unnatural (rwv Trapa <pv<nv). What, then, say ye to 
these things ? For neither do I expect that you will be 
ungrateful for their kindness, since they would dispose 
you to a better cause.' Dionysius answered, 'All the 
gods are not worshipped by all, but each worships whom 
he thinks to be gods. We, therefore, worship the one 
God and Creator of all things, and the very same that has 
comfnitted the government to their most excellent and 
sacred majesties. Valerian and Gallienus. Him we wor- 
ship and adore, and to Him we incessantly pray that their 
reign may continue firm and unshaken.' ^iEmilianus, the 
prefect, again replied : ' But who prevents you from wor- 
shipping this one God, if he be a god, together with those 
that are the natural gods ? For you are commanded to 
worship the gods, and those gods which all know to be 
such.' Dionysius answered: 'We worship no other one.' 
^milianus, the prefect, said, ' I perceive that you are at 
the same time ungrateful, and insensible to the clemency 
of our Csesars. Therefore you shall not remain in this 
city, but you shall be sent to the parts of Lybia, to a place 
called Cephro. For this place I have selected according 
to the orders of our Caesars. But neither you, nor any 
others, shall in any wise be permitted, either to hold con- 
ventions, or to enter what you call your cemeteries. But 
if any one appear not to have gone to the place which I 
have commanded, or if he shall be found in any assembly, 
he will do it at his peril. For the necessary punishment 
will not fail. Remove, therefore, whither ye are com- 
manded.' Thus he compelled me, sick as I was, nor did 
he grant me a day's respite." 

Cephro, the place to which Dionysius was banished, lay 
in the wilds of Libya. A large body of Christians accom- 
panied him thither ; some from Alexandria, others from 
various other parts of Egypt. The Gospel had not 
hitherto been preached in this place ; and there, to use 
the patriarch's own words, the Lord opened a great door 
for the Word. For though the little band of believers 
were reviled and exposed to personal violence, before long 


a large number of the heathen left the worship of idols, 
and gave their names to Christ. God had evidently led 
His servants to that place, to be the founders of a flourish- 
ing Church ; and when that ministry was fulfilled, He 
conducted them to another spot. 

^milianus, hearing of the progress that the faith was 
making at Cephro, gave orders that Dionysius should be 
removed to Coluthion, a city of Mareotis. The bishop 
confesses that he was much annoyed on receiving this 
intimation, the place was infested by robbers, and ten- 
anted by a wild race. His friends, however, represented 
that it was nearer to Alexandria ; that if at Cephro the 
resort of Christians had been great, the inhabitants of the 
metropolis would flock to Coluthion as a suburb ; that the 
change was evidently designed, by the Head of the Church, 
for its good. And so it fell out. 

While Dionysius was thus enacting the part of a brave 
and vigilant pastor, and towards the end of the persecution, 
he was exposed to considerable annoyance by Germanus, 
an Egyptian bishop, though it is uncertain in what see. 
Germanus accused the patriarch of general carelessness 
and remissness in his pastoral duties, but more especially 
of neglecting, during the time of his exile, to assemble 
for worship the Christians who were with him. Dionysius 
replied by the letter, to which we are indebted for the 
particulars which have reached us of his behaviour, during 
both the persecution of Decius and that of Valerian. 

At the same time, he was engaged in writing other 
letters, both regarding his own Church, and that of other 
countries. He was in correspondence with Sixtus on 
the baptismal question : we find him also addressing the 
presbytery of the Alexandrian Church, during the greatest 
violence of the persecution. Two other letters, respectively 
addressed to Flavian, and to Didymus and Domitius, 
require a few observations. 

They were paschal letters, and, as it is supposed by 
some, the first of their kind. 


How long this banishment lasted, is not absolutely 
certain. Tilleraont says, it is evident that Dionysius 
continued in this exile about two years at least, because 
in that time he wrote two festal epistles, concerning the 
observation of Easter, as Eusebius relates. One of those 
epistles was directed to Flavius, the other to Domitius and 
Didymus. We would just observe, that in the same place 
Eusebius adds : " Besides these, Dionysius wrote another 
letter to his fellow-presbyters of Alexandria, and other 
letters to divers other persons, the persecution still raging." 
Pagi has taken notice of several of the letters written at 
that time. Basnage computes Dionjsius s exile to have 
lasted four years, supposing him to have been banished in 
257 ; as does Pagi : but Lardner does not see any proof of 
so long a continuance of that exile ; though it might be 
full three years, or somewhat more. 

In the year 261, if not before, Dionysius returned to 
his people at Alexandria, and ofiQciated again among them, 
to their great satisfaction and profit. But, as Eusebius 
observes, the peace was of short duration at Alexandria ; 
for that city was again afflicted with sedition and war, and 
then with pestilence. 

In the various controversies of the time, Dionysius 
of necessity took a prominent part. He sided against 
Novatus in the schism which the latter excited in the 
Church of Rome, and his letter to the schismatic, as pre- 
served by Eusebius, is as follows : " Dionysius sends 
greeting to his brother Novatus. If, as you say, you were 
forced against your will, you will show it by retiring 
voluntarily. For it was a duty to suffer any thing rather 
than to afflict the Church of God ; and, indeed, it would 
not be more inglorious to suffer even martyrdom for its 
sake, than to sacrifice ; and in my opinion it would have 
been a greater glory. For there, in the one case, the 
individual gives a testimony for his own soul, but in the 
other he bears witness for the whole Church. And now, 
if thou persuade or constrain the brethren to return to 

VOL. IV 2 u 


unanimity, thy uprightness will be greater than thy delu- 
sion, and the latter will not be laid to thy charge, but the 
other will be applauded ; but if thou art unable to prevail 
with thy friends, save thy own soul. With the hope that 
thou art desirous of peace in the Lord, I bid thee farewell." 
Such was the epistle of Dionysius to Novatus. 

According to St. Jerome, and, as it appears from Euse- 
bius, Dionysius coincided in opinion with St. Cyprian and 
the African synod against the Bishop of Rome on the 
controversy with respect to the baptism of heretics. But 
he was a moderate man, and did not express himself 
strongly on the subject. His moderation was also shewn 
in a controversy on the subject of the Millenium, which 
gave rise to his two works on the promises ; the occasion 
of his writing these, says Eusebius, arose from Nepos, a 
bishop in Egypt, having taught, that the promises given 
to holy men in the Scriptures, should be understood more 
as tlie Jews understood them, and supposed that there 
would be a certain millenium of sensual luxury on this 
earth. Thinking, therefore, that he could establish his 
own opinion by the Revelation of John, he composed a 
book on this subject, with the title, Refutation of the 
Allegorists. This, therefore, was warmly opposed by 
Dionysius, in his work on the promises. 

He speaks with kindness and respect of Nepos, and 
remarks further, " When I was at Arsinoe, where, as you 
know, long since, this doctrine was afloat, so that schisms 
and apostacies of whole Churches followed, after I had 
called the presbyters and teachers of the brethren in the 
villages, when those brethren had come who wished to be 
present, I exhorted them to examine the doctrine publicly. 
When they had produced this book as a kind of armour 
and impregnable fortress, I sat with them for three days, 
from morning till evening, attempting to refute what it 
contained. Then also I was greatly pleased to observe 
tbo constancy, the sincerity, the docility, and intelligence 
oi' the brethren, so moderately and methodically did we 


propose our questions and doubts and concessions, for we 
carefully and studiously avoided, in every possible way, 
insisting upon those opinions [which might be offensive] 
though they might once be maintained by us and seem 
correct. Nor did we attempt to evade objections, but 
endeavoured as far as possible to keep to our subject, and 
to confirm these. Nor ashamed if reason prevailed, to 
change opinions, and to acknowledge the truth ; but rather 
received with a good conscience and sincerity, and with 
single hearts, before God, whatever was established by the 
proofs and doctrines of the holy Scriptures. At length 
Coracio, who was the founder and leader of this doctrine, 
in the hearing of all the brethren present, confessed and 
avowed to us, that he would no longer adhere to it, nor 
discuss it, that he would neither mention nor teach it, as 
he had been fully convinced by the opposite arguments. 
The other brethren present rejoiced also at this con- 
ference, and at the conciliatory spirit and unanimity 
exhibited by all. 

In opposing Sabellianism, Dionysius exposed himself to 
the charge of a want of caution. Sabellius having started 
the heresy which bears his name, and being bishop or 
presbyter in Pentapolis, Dionysius, as primate, gave his 
judgment against him in writing. He was led, of coui-se, 
by his argument, to defend the distinction of Persons in 
the Father and the Son. Among several irreprehensible 
similitudes, he employed these, that were not suitable, — 
that the Son is different from the Father, as the vine is 
from the husbandman, or as the ship is from its architect. 
As he also adopted an equivocal expression, calling the 
Son a creature {'itoi-n^a) of the Father, this expression, 
together with the above similitudes, seemed to contain 
a sense which placed the Son in the class of beings 
created, and which destroyed His consubstantiality with 
the Father. 

Dionysius being attacked for these expressions, which, 
unguarded, are certainly objectionable, a council was held 


at Rome about a. d. 260, to examine into the state of the 
case. Dionysius of Rome presided, and Dionysius of 
Alexandria lost no time in defending himself. He wrote 
immediately to his namesake of Rome, and in his letter, 
and in an apology in four books published soon after, he 
fully made known his faith in the Holy Trinity, and 
proved it to be in perfect accordance with the faith of the 
Catholic Church. He said, that he had now cast away 
the similitudes of the vine and the ship, which, indeed, 
might have been explained by the context, and had in 
their place substituted others, of the plant springing from 
the root, and of the stream flowing from the fountain. 
His explanation of the Divine economy, or of the relation 
between the Father and the Son, is in substance the 
following : — The Son has His being from the Father, but 
is eternal with Him, as the splendour of eternal light, as 
the brilliancy of the sun, is inseparable from it, and simul- 
taneous with it. There never was a period in which 
God was not Father. The Son is, therefore, not a crea- 
ture, except in His human nature ; He is the Son of God, 
not by adoption, but by nature, and as the Father and 
the Son are indivisible from each other, so the Holy 
Ghost is inseparable from the Father and the Son. "Thus 
do we extend the unity into the Trinity, and confine 
the Trinity undiminished within the unity." Dionysius 
remarks that he had not used the word consubstantial, 
(oju,oouo-io?) as it was nowhere found in the Scripture, but 
that he had always professed the doctrine contained in 
that word, and had by many arguments, as by the example 
of human generation, proved that the Son was one sub- 
stance with the Father. 

However, in spite of his explanations, some later writers, 
and even Basil himself, do not scruple to complain of 
Dionysius, as having sown the first seeds of Arianism ; 
confessing at the same time, that his error was accidental, 
occasioned by his vehement opposition to the Sabellian 
heresy ; not so however our own Bishop Bull, who, speak- 
ing of Dionysius says, " This was one of those heads of 


doctrines, which his adversaries objected against him 
before Dionysius Romanus : ' God was not always a 
Father, the Son was not always, but God was sometime 
without a Logos. The Son Himself was not before He 
was born, or made, but there was a time when He was 
not. For He was not eternal, but was made afterwards.' 
Athanasius expressly saith, that Dionysius defended him- 
self from these accusations. Now it appears from this 
accusation, that the proposition, there was a time when 
the Son was not, was by the Catholics held to be heterodox 
and absurd in the times of Dionysius. But how does 
Dionysius defend himself ? By owning the charge? No. 
He professes that he did from his heart acknowledge, arni 
always had acknowledged the co-eternity of the Son. For 
in the first book of his refutation and apology, he says. 
There was not a time when God was not a Father. And 
some time after he writes thus concerning the Son of 
God : ' Since He is the effulgence of the eternal light. 
He Himself is altogether eternal ; for since the light is 
always, the effulgence it is manifest must also be always.' 
Again : ' God is an eternal light, without beginning or 
end ; therefore an eternal effulgence is projected by Him, 
co-exists with Him without beginning, and always born.' 
And again : ' The Son alone is always co existent with 
the Father, and is filled with the existent Being, and is 
Himself existent from the Father.' There are places 
parallel to these in the epistle of Dionysius, which is now 
extant, to Paulus Samosatenus, and in his answer to 
Paul's questions set after the epistle. In the epistle he 
writes thus of Christ ; ' There is one Christ, Who is in 
the Father, the co-eternal Word.' In his answers he 
thus introduces Christ speaking from the prophet Jeremy : 
' I who alway am the Christ subsisting personally, equal 
to the Father, in that I differ nothing from Him in sub- 
stance, co-eternal also with the Almghty Spirit.' Here 
he confesses the entire, co-eval, co-eternal Trinity of 
Persons. The same Dionysius blames Paul, because he 
2u 2 


would not call Christ the co-eternal character of God the 
Father's Person. And in the same place he thus declares 
the eternity of the Son : ' As then we perceive, when one 
takes from one of our material fires, and neither affects, 
nor divides it in the kindling one light from another, but 
the fire remains ; so incomprehensibly is the eternal 
generation of Christ from the Father.' Lastly, that this 
was his constant opinion, which he always held, every 
where preached and professed, he affirms in these words : 
' I have written, do write, confess, believe and preach, 
that Christ is co-eternal with the Father, the only-begotten 
Son, and Word of the Father.' Let Sandius brazen his 
forehead, and boast still that the great Dionysius Alexan- 
drinus was of Arius's mind." 

It was at the close of Dionysius's life, that the council 
was convoked at Antioch to condemn the heresy of Paul 
of Samosata, and to the fathers of the council Dionysius 
sent an epistle, in which he asserts, according to Bishop 
Bull, the true Divinity of the Son of God. Dionysius 
died in February, 265. 

The loss of the writings of Dionysius, as Mr Neale 
justly remarks, is one of the greatest that has been suf- 
fered by Ecclesiastical history. Besides those that we 
have noticed, fragments of a commentary on Ecclesi- 
astes, and of a treatise against the Epicureans, on Na- 
ture, remain to us ; besides an Epistle to Basileides, 
which is received by the Oriental Church into its body of 
canons. Basileides, a bishop in Pentapolis, had asked 
Dionysius at what hour the Lent fast ended. At Rome, 
it appears, it did not conclude till cock-crow on Easter 
morning ; in Egypt it finished on the evening of Satur- 
day. The patriarch observes, that to fix the time exactly 
w^as impossible ; that those are to be commended who keep 
vigil till the fourth watch, while they are not to be blamed 
who are compelled, by the weakness of their bodies, to 
repose themselves earlier ; that the fast, however, was not 
at an end till Saturday midnight. He observes that some 


passed six days of Holy Week without eating, some four, 
some three, some two, some not one ; and while he lays 
down no specific rule, that he disapproves the conduct of 
those who make good cheer on the first four days, and 
think to compensate it by a strict fast on the Friday and 
Saturday. This canon exemplifies the wonderful rigour 
of these earlier ages, both in making mention of some who 
abstained from food during the whole week, and in simply 
not imputing it as a fault, if any, compelled by weakness, 
ate daily. The second and fourth canons concern physical 
reasons for abstaining from the Holy Communion, and 
the third is on nuptial continence. 

The great humility of Dionysius is conspicuous in the 
end of this epistle. You have not consulted me, says he, 
through ignorance, but to do me honour, and maintain 
peace ; you will judge my obsei-vations for yourself, and 
let me know your decision. We may remark, as an in- 
stance of the extraordinary power of the see of Alexandria, 
that Dionysius, though writing to a bishop, addresses him 
by the title of son, — an appellation not used in the like 
sense, even by Rome. — EuseUus. Cave. Bull. Dolllnger. 
Tillemont. Lardner. Neale. 


Dionysius of Rome was, first, presbyter, and afterwards 
Bishop of Rome. His predecessor Xystus, or Sixtus the 
Second, suffered martyrdom on the 6th of August, 25 8^ 
when it is generally supposed that the see remained vacant 
for one year, and that Dionysius was not consecrated till 
the 22nd of July, 259. 

While he was a presbyter he wrote to his namesake of 
Alexandria upon the question of the baptism of heretics. 
When the synod of Rome gave their opinion upon the 
merits of the controversy between Dionysius of Alexandria, 
fSee his Life) and the Sabellians, Dionysius of Rome 
presided, at which, says Bower, Baronius exults. 


*' Behold, says he, one of the most eminent prelates 
of the Church, upon suspicion of heresy, arraigned at 
Rome, judged at Rome. Who does not see a supreme 
tribunal erected there, to which all causes must be 
brought ; a sovereign judge residing there, by whom all 
persons must be absolved or condemned ; is either blind 
and cannot see, or shuts his eyes and will not see. And 
does not the sharp-sighted annalist himself see what every 
one the least conversant in ecclesiastical history must see, 
if he is not either blind and cannot, or shuts his eyes and 
will not see, viz., bishops, when guilty, or only suspected 
of heresy, accused to some of their colleagues, who neither 
had, nor claimed, any jurisdiction over them? Thus was 
the famous Paul of Samosata, Bishop of Antioch, at this 
very time accused by his whole Church, first to Dionysius 
Bishop of Alexandria, and soon after to Firmilian Bishop 
of Caesarea. That such an accusation argued any juris- 
diction in those bishops over the Bishop of Antioch, is 
what Baronius himself dares not affrm ; and yet a like 
accusation brought to Rome is enough for him to transform 
that see into a supreme tribunal ; that bishop, though far 
from such ambitious thoughts, into a sovereign judge. 
But the Bishop of Rome, says Baronius, required of 
Dionysius a confession or declaration of his faith : and 
does not that argue supei'iority and jurisdiction ? Baronius 
hiDiself knew it does not : for it is impossible he should 
not know, that when a bishop was suspected of heresy, all 
his colleagues had a right to require of him a confession 
of his faith, and not to communicate with him till they 
had received it." He died December, 26th, 269. — Eusehius. 
Cave. Lardner. Bower. 


Dionysius, surnamed Exiguus, was born in Scythia, 
and flourished, a monk by profession, till the year 540. 
His acquaintance with Scripture was accurate, and his 
learning in the Greek and Latin languages profound. 

DISNEY. 458 

Cassiodorus, who was intimate with him, wrote his pane- 
gyric in the 23rd chapter of his book on divine learning. 
He was a vehement and unscrupulous upholder of the see 
of Home ; he is suspected to have been guilty even of 
forgery in its support ; he first published, and very pro- 
bably wrote the Canons of the Council of Sardica, and col- 
lected the Papal Decretals from Siricius to Anastasius II. 
These were published with his Collection of Canons, made 
at the request of Stephen Bishop of Salome. 

Dionysius was the first who introduced the way of 
counting the years from the birth of Jesus Christ, and 
who fixed it according to the epocha of the vulgar sera. 
He wrote also two letters upon Easter in the years 525 
and 526, which were published by Petavius and Bucherius ; 
and made a cycle of 95 years. Father Mabillon published 
a letter of his written to Eugippius, about the translation 
which he made of a work of Gregory Nyssen, concerning 
the creation of man. — Dupin. Geddes. 


John Disney was born in 1677 at Lincoln. He entered 
at the Middle Temple, where he studied the law, but did 
not follow it as a profession. At the age of forty-two he was 
ordained, and presented to the vicarage of Croft, and the 
rectory of Kirkby-super-Baine, both in Lincolnshire. He 
was a zealous advocate for religious societies, then in their 
infancy, particularly for the Society for the Reformation 
of manners. In 1722 he obtained the living of St. Mary, 
Nottingham, where he died in 1730. He wrote, — 1. Pri- 
mitiae Sacrae, the reflections of a devout solitude, 8vo. 
2. Flora, prefixed to a translation of Rapin's poem on 
Gardens, 8vo. 3. Two Essays upon the Execution of the 
Laws against Immorality and Profaneness, 8vo. 4. Re- 
marks upon a Sermon preached by Dr. Sacheverell. 5. The 
Genealogy of the House of Brunswick Lunenburg. 6. A 
View of ancient Laws against Immorality and Profaneness, 
folio. 7. Sermons on particular Occasions. — Biog. Brit. 



DiTHMAR was the son of Sigefroy Count of Saxony, and 
was born in the year 976. In his eighteenth or twentieth 
year he embraced the monastic life; and in 1018 was 
made Bishop of Mersburg by the Emperor Henry 11. He 
wrote a Latin Chronicle, in seven books, containing the 
history of the Emperors Henry I., Otho, I., II., III., and 
Henry II. It is accounted a very faithful narrative, and 
has been often reprinted. The best edition is that of 
Leibnitz. He died in 1028. — Moreri. Dupin. 


Justus Christopher Dithmer was born in 1677, at 
Rottenburg in Hesse. After studying at the university of 
Marpurg, to which he was sent in his 17th year, where 
he applied himself to theology, and studied the Oriental 
languages under the celebrated Otho, he removed to Ley- 
den, where he was supported by the Landgrave of Hesse 
Cassel, and afterwards settled at Frankfort on the Oder, 
first as professor of history, then of the law of nature, and 
finally of statistics and finance. He was made a member 
of the Royal Society of Berlin, and a counsellor of the 
Order of St. John. He died at Frankfort in 1737. His 
works are, — Maimonidis Constit. de Jurejurando, with 
notes and additions, Leyden, 4to ; Gregorii VII. Pont. 
Romani Vita, Frankfort, 8vo ; Historia Belli inter Impe- 
rium et Sacerdotium, ibid, 8vo ; Teschenmacheri Annales 
Cliviae, &c. Notis, Tabulis genealogicis et Codice diploma- 
tico illustrati, ibid, foho ; Summa Capita Antiq. Judaica- 
rum et Romanarum in usum Prselectionum privatarum, 
ibid, 4to ; Chytraei Marchia Brandenburgensis ad nostra 
Tempera continuata, ibid, 8vo ; Deliueatio historise Bran- 
denburgensis in privatis Pr-celectionibus prolixius illus- 
tranda, ibid, 8vo ; Delineatio historiae prsecipuorum Juris, 
aut praetensium Statibus EuropsB competentium in Col- 

DOD. 455 

legio private magis illustranda, ihid; C. Com. Taciti Ger- 
raania, cum perpetuo et pragmatico Commentario, ihid, 
8vo ; Dissertatio de Abdicatione Regnorum, aliarumque 
Dignitatura illustrium tarn Secularium quam Ecclesias- 
ticsirum, ibid, 1724, 4to; Commentatio de honoratissimo 
Ordine Militari de Balneo, ibid, 1729, folio; an edition of 
the History of the Order of St. John, by Becman, in Ger- 
man, 4to; Introduction to the Knowledge of Finance, 
Police, &c., also in German, 8vo. — Moreri. Chanfepie. 


John Dod was born in 1547, and educated at West- 
chester. In 1561 he went to Jesus College, Cambridge, 
of which college he became a fellow in 1585. He 
was a pious, but not a strong minded person, and was 
hurried by the movement of the Reformation into an ex- 
treme. A movement in the Church, such as that to which 
allusion is made, unsettles men's minds for the time ; and 
we are not to expect every one calmly to subside at once 
into the via media. On Dod's mind the horrors of the 
Marian Persecution, as we may gather from several ex- 
pressions in his works, made a fearful impression, and he 
felt that the Church could not be too far removed from 
Rome. To many of the ceremonies and to the discipline 
of the Church he had a great repugnance, and attach- 
ed himself to the older and better class of religious 
Puritans. On taking orders he officiated, probably as 
curate, at Hanwell in Oxfordshire, w'here he was a popu- 
lar preacher, and on Sundays and Wednesdays, when he 
lectured, entertained generally eight or ten persons at din- 
ner. He remained here twenty years ; but for his non- 
conformity he was at last suspended by Dr. Bridges, Lord 
Bishop of Oxford. He afterwards preached at Fenny 
Campton in Warwickshire, and at Canons Ashby in 
Northamptonshire. Here he was silenced again ; and 
since sentence was pronounced upon him by Archbishop 

456 DOD. 

Abbot, whose principles would accord with his own, 
though he could not atford to maintain them at the risk of 
losing his preferments, the non-conformity of Dod must 
have been very marked. Archbishop Abbot was compelled 
by King James to interfere. During his suspension he 
published also his Commentary on the Decalogue. In 
conjunction with one Robert Cleaver he published also an 
Exposition of some chapters of the Book of Proverbs. 
Who this Cleaver was is not known to the writer of this 
article, but the same two authors published also ten ser- 
mons on the Worthy receiving of the Lord s Supper. 
The following extracts will shew how differently an ancient 
Puritan would speak on this subject, from a modern dis- 
senter, or even than some modern churchmen. 

1. *' The commandment is contained in those words, 
Take, eat, take the bread, and take My Body : eat the 
bread, and eat My Body : take and eat the bread corpo- 
rally and by sense ; take and eat Christ spiritually, and 
by faith. And the like commandment is here implied, 
and elsewhere expressed concerning the cup, that is, the 
wine in the cup, (drink ye all of this) which they are said 
here to obey. 

2. " The promise is implied in these words : This is My 
Body, this is My Blood ; that is, lively signs to signify, 
and effectual instruments to convey Myself, and all the 
benefits of My death and passion unto you. 

"Christ Jesus in the Lord s Supper, by corporal food doth 
give us a most sure possession of Himself, and near union 
with Himself. The bread and wine are not only pledges 
of what shall be bestowed upon us, but effectual means to 
exhibit the things promised unto us : and therefore Christ 
useth these words : Take, eat, this is My Body, which is 
given for you, which is broken for you : and so of the 
wine : Drink ye all of it, this is My Blood which is shed 
for you. Now what can be nearer unto us than our meat 
and drink ? We have greater interest in nothing than in 
our food ; for that is made a part of ourselves. If we eat 
meat in another man's house, after we have received it, it 

DOD. 457 

is more ours than his that prepared it ; no one joint 
is so near another, nor the soul so near the body, as 
our food is near us when once it is digested and 
turned into nourishment unto us : which doth plainly 
represent unto us the near conjunction that is between 
Christ and every worthy receiver. Hence proceedeth 
that speech of the x\postle : The cup of blessing which 
we bless, is it not the communion of the Blood of Christ ? 
The bread which we break, is it not the communion of 
the Body of Christ ? that is, do not these cause us to 
have an effectual communion with Him in all His graci- 
ous merits ?' 

He seems to have overcome his scruples so far as to 
have been able to accept the living of Fawesley, in North- 
amptonshire, to which he was presented in 1(324. Al- 
though a Puritan he still believed his Bible, and was there- 
fore opposed to the proceedings of the Republicans ; and 
it ought to be recorded to his honour, that when the Re- 
publicans and Independents vainly attempted to abolish 
God's ordinance of Episcopacy, and Dr. Brownrig sent to 
Mr. Dod for his opinion ; his answer was, that " he had 
been scandalized by the proud and tyrannical practices 
of the Marian Bishops ; but now, after sixty years' experi- 
ence of many protestant Bishops that had been worthy 
preachers, learned and orthodox writers, great champions 
for the protestant cause, he wished all his friends not to 
be an impediment to them, and exhorted all men not to 
take up arms against the King ; which his doctrine, he 
said, was founded upon the Fifth Commandment, and he 
would never depart from it." He died in 16i5. 

Fuller says, "with him the Old Puritan seemed to 
expire, and in his grave to be interred. Humble, meek, 
patient, charitable as in his censures of, so in his alms to 
others. Would I could truly say but half so much of the 
next generation !" — Clark's Lives of Eminent Divines. Ful- 
lers Worthies. Dod and Cleavers Sermons. 

VOL. IV. 2x 

J 5 DODD. 


All that is known of this distinguished writer is the 
fact that he was a clergyman of the Romish communion in 
England, and resided at Harvington, in Worcestershire, 
an old seat of the Throgmorton family, where he died 
about the year 1745. This account is given us by the 
Rev. Joseph Berington, an eminent Romish divine, in 
the last century. It occurs in the Preface to Berington s 
Memoirs of Gregorio Panzani. Both to Berington and 
Dodd frequent reference has been made in these volumes, 
when treating of biographies involving points of history 
relating to the Romanists in England. Dodd's principal 
work is his Church History of England, from 1500 to 
1688, principally with reference to the Roman Catholics. 
It has lately been republished by Dr. Tierney. It is an 
ill arranged book, but useful for the documents it supplies. 
It caused much controversy among the Romanists when 
it was first published. Berington's character of the work 
will be interesting to the reader ; and, as his Memoirs of 
Panzani are not of easy access, it is here given. It con- 
tains much curious matter, collected with great assiduity, 
and many original records. His style, when the subject 
admits expression, is pure and unimcumbered, his narra- 
tion easy, his reflections just and liberal. I have seldom 
known a writer, and that writer a churchman, so free 
from prejudice and the degrading impressions of party- 
zeal. But I am not sure that his materials are well 
arranged. Indeed he was himself, for a long time, so dis- 
satisfied, as, with his own hand, to copy a work so volumin- 
ous into two or three different forms. I think I have seen 
three. There are many repetitions which might have 
been avoided ; but its main defect is the want of a copious 
index. Of this I have had a painful experience. 

The history, of which I am speaking, for many years 
was little known; but it has at length found its way into 
the libraries of the curious, and no copies have remained 

DODD. 450 

unsold. The reader will see what use I have made of it 
in the following pages; and I readily acknowledge my 

Not long after the appearance of the two first volumes, 
a petulant and captious critique, under the title of A Spe- 
cimen of Amendments, was published by Clerophilus 

Alethes, that is, Constable, a Jesuit, in 1740. It 

is extremely peevish, and malevolent as peevish, and weak 
as malevolent. He rebukes the clergyman principally for 
his commissions and omissions in regard to the fathers of 
the society. Them, he more than intimates, he should 
have never blamed ; he should have loaded his page from 
the pleasant histories of fathers More, Bartoli, and 
Juvency, with the edifying and wonderful, sometimes 
miraculous, events of their births, lives, and burials. 
With such materials as these, he observes, he might have 
compiled a history truly worthy of the notice of a Christian 
reader ! 

Dodd, whose mind it appears was irritable, was not 
pleased, as I think he might have been, with this ludi- 
crous attack. He was aware that the cant of piety, and 
certain insinuations breathed with unction, might at once, 
in the estimation of a misjudging public, blast his charac- 
ter and all the fruits of his thirty years' labour. He, 
therefore, in 1741, replied to Constable, in a work entitled 
An Apology for the Church History of England. It is 
written with uncommon acute ness, keen discrimination, 
a brevity that impresses, and a ridicule that cuts. I only 
lament that his conscious superiority should have some- 
times descended to asperities of language, and recrimin- 
ating taunts, which prove that he did not sufficiently 
despise his adversary. The generous mastiff indignantly 
passes on, heedless of the curs that aim to annoy and 
teaze him. 

Other works have been ascribed to Mr. Dodd, of which 
I believe he was the author, written too acrimoniously 
against the insidious conduct, as he deemed it, of the 
Jesuits in their transactions with the secular clergy. He 

460 DODD. 

has also left behind him a variety of papers, some com- 
plete, some imperfect, on different subjects, all written 
with his own hand. Few men have been more inde- 
fatigable in research, and patient of that toil that wearies 
most in the walks of literature, — Beringtons Memoirs, of 
Gregorio Panzani. 


It is necessary to notice this man, because he was the 
author of several works above contempt, and was for some 
time one of the most popular preachers in London, having 
adopted the methodistical style, and being regarded by 
many as a man of decided piety. He was born in 1729, 
at Bourne in Lincolnshire, and was admitted as a sizer at 
Clare- Hall in Cambridge in 1745, where he distinguished 
himself by his talents. In 1747 he distinguished himself 
by the publication of little pieces of poetry : and this was 
followed by other publications evincing talent and taste ; 
among others. The Beauties of Shakspeare. In 1753 he 
was ordained, and settled in London, where his eloquence, 
as we have before stated, made him the most popular 
preacher of the day. The following is an extract from 
Jones of Nayland's Life of Bishop Home. 

I am now to conclude with a character, which I intro- 
duce with some reluctance ; but it is too remarkable to be 
omitted in an account of Mr. Home's literary connec- 
tions ; and some useful moral attends it in every circum- 
stance : the character I mean is that of the late Mr. Dodd. 
Humanity should speak as tenderly of him as truth 
will permit, in consideration of his severe and lamentable 

A similitude in their studies and their principles pro- 
duced an acquaintance between Mr. Home and Mr. Dodd : 
for when Mr. Dodd began the world, he was a zealous 
favourer of Hebrew learning, and distinguished himself as 

DODD. 401 

a preacher ; in which capacity he undoubtedly excelled to 
a certain degree, and in his time did much good. After 
Mr. Dodd had been noticed in the university of Cam- 
bridge for some of his exercises, he made himself known 
to the public by an English poetical translation of Cal- 
limachus, in which he discovered a poetical genius. Of 
the Preface to the translation of Callimachus, which gives 
the best general account, that was ever given in so short a 
compass, of the Heathen Mythology, the greater part was 
written for him by Mr. Home. It is supposed, with good 
reason, that Mr. Dodd was obliged to others of his friends 
for several useful notes on the text of Callimachus. He 
makes a particular acknowledgment to the Rev. Mr. Park- 
hurst, " from whose sound judgment, enlarged under- 
standing, unwearied application, and generous openness of 
heart, the world has great and valuable fruits to expect." 
Archbishop Seeker conceived a favourable opinion of Mr. 
Dodd, from his performances in the pulpit ; and it was 
probably owing to the influence of the Archbishop that he 
was appointed to preach the sermons at Lady Moyer's 
Lectures. But this unhappy gentleman, having a strong 
desire, like many other young men of parts, to make a 
figure in the world, with a turn to an expensive way of 
living ; and findiug that his friends, who unhappily were 
suffering under the damnatory title of Hutchinsonians, 
would never be permitted (as the report then was) to rise 
to any eminence in the church ; Mr. Dodd thought it 
more prudent to leave them to their fate, with the hope of 
succeeding better in some other way : and to purge him- 
self in the eye of the world, he wrote expressly against 
them ; laying many grievous things to their charge : some 
of which were true, when applied to particular persons ; 
some greatly exaggerated; and some utterly false; as it may 
well be imagined, when it is considered that the author 
was writing to serve an interest. 

There could be no better judge than Mr. Dodd himself 
of the motives on which he had assumed a new character. 
•2x 2 

463 DODD. 

He certainly did himself some good, in the opinion of 
those who thought he was grown wiser : but being sen- 
sible how far he had carried some things, and how much 
he had lost himself, in the esteem of his old friends, he 
was anxious to know what some of them said about him. 
He therefore applied himself one day to a lady of great 
understanding and piety, who knew him well, and who 
also knew most of them ; desiring her to tell him what 
Mr. such an one said of him ? He says of you, answered 
she — Demas hath forsaken us, having loved this present world: 
with which he appeared to be much affected. Not that 
the thing had actually been said, so far as I know, by the 
person in question ; but she, knowiog the propriety with 
which it might have been said, gave him the credit of it. 
There was a general appearance of vanity about Mr. Dodd, 
which was particularly disgusting to Mr. Home, who had 
none of it himself; and the levity, with which he had 
totally cast off his former studies, being added to it, both 
together determined him to drop the acquaintance with 
little hesitation. He not only avoided his company, but 
conceiviug a -dislike as well to his moral as to his literary 
character, is supposed to have given such an account of 
him in one of the public papers as made him very ridicu- 
lous, under the name of Tom Dingle. Not long afterwards 
Mr. Foote brought him upon the stage for a transaction 
which reflected great dishonour upon a clergyman, and 
for which the King ordered him to be struck off tlie list 
of his chaplains. 

The revolt of Mr. Dodd, if he meant to raise himself in 
the world by it, did by no means answer his purpose. It 
brought him into favour with Lord Chesterfield ; but that 
did much more hurt to his mind than good to his for-